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The paper argues that Canada should implement federal legislation to mandate a comprehensive just transition strategy, embedding International Labour Organization principles of social dialogue and decent work. It recommends linking this transition to a 1.5°C-aligned pathway, ensuring the respectful inclusion of Indigenous Peoples, and establishing independent advisory bodies with adequate authority and accountability. Beyond legislation, the author suggests mainstreaming just transition principles across government departments, improving corporate accountability, and planning a managed wind-down of fossil fuel production to support workers.

The report examines 15 agreements across five Sami communities in Sweden involving various land-use activities. While some agreements include positive elements like profit-sharing or the ability to shut down operations for reindeer husbandry, many lack meaningful compensation for lost grazing land and often include clauses that favor developers, such as unilateral termination rights or requirements for unpaid Sami expertise. The study concludes that Sami communities should push for more ambitious terms, drawing on international examples from Canada and Australia, to better protect their rights and reindeer welfare.

The document reports that improvements in forest governance are too slow to measurably reduce deforestation, noting that illegal deforestation increased from 49% to 69% between 2014 and 2020. While some progress has been made in establishing environmental frameworks and demand-side regulations, systemic challenges such as corruption, weak rule of law, and a failure to legally recognize IPLC land rights persist. The report highlights that weak forest governance causes over USD 17 billion in annual economic losses and calls for accelerated action to address legal weaknesses and enhance the participation of women and IPLCs in decision-making.

The report argues that Canada requires comprehensive federal just transition legislation to provide certainty for workers and communities as the country moves toward a low-carbon economy. It identifies critical gaps in Canada's previous approach to the coal transition, such as a lack of negotiating power for advisory bodies and insufficient monitoring. Drawing on case studies from Spain, New Zealand, the US, South Africa, and the EU, the authors recommend that new legislation entrench International Labour Organization (ILO) principles, mandate a comprehensive just transition strategy, and establish a dedicated implementation agency. Key priorities include the inclusion of Indigenous Peoples as full partners, the use of 'tripartite-plus' social dialogue, and the enforcement of corporate accountability to ensure the polluter-pays principle is upheld.

The report outlines a consensus among approximately 30 Canadian civil society organizations to prioritize absolute emissions reductions over carbon removals and offsets. Key recommendations include establishing a firm fossil fuel phase-out date, ending subsidies for nuclear and carbon capture technologies, and integrating Indigenous reconciliation and just transition principles into climate policy. The document highlights a tension between incremental government targets and the systemic change required to align with a 1.5°C warming limit.

The report finds that most agreements between Sámi reindeer herding districts and developers in Sweden provide limited benefits and introduce significant risks, often reflecting 'manufactured consent' due to a lack of alternatives. While some agreements include protections for reindeer wellbeing or revenue sharing, many contain harmful clauses such as 'gag orders' (confidentiality) and open consent for undefined projects, particularly in the wind power sector. The authors argue that Sámi districts should broaden their negotiation goals beyond simple economic compensation to include veto rights and project closure conditions, drawing on examples from Australia and Canada.

The report analyzes the 2020-2021 outputs of seven UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies (HRTBs), noting a significant increase in climate-related references despite COVID-19 disruptions. It highlights a shift toward questioning developed nations on mitigation and fossil fuel extraction, alongside a consistent focus on adaptation and the participation of vulnerable groups. The document also examines key individual communications, such as Teitiota v. New Zealand and Sacchi et al. v. Argentina et al., which establish precedents for climate-induced human rights violations and extraterritorial jurisdiction.

The Human Rights Committee (CCPR) has increased its focus on climate change, issuing more recommendations and questions to states between 2019 and 2021. While early outputs primarily targeted Small Island Developing States and developing countries, the Committee has expanded its scope to include developed nations like Germany and Canada. Key areas of inquiry include mitigation, adaptation, procedural rights, and the regulation of private actors, with specific concerns raised regarding fossil fuel extraction in Guyana, Tanzania, and São Tomé and Príncipe. In the case of Teitiota v. New Zealand, the CCPR recognized that climate change could trigger non-refoulment obligations if it creates real threats to the right to life, though it found no breach in that specific instance. Additionally, the Pereira Benega v. Paraguay ruling established a precedent for state obligations to prevent environmental threats to private, family, and cultural life.

The report examines the legal and operational challenges facing Community Protected Areas (CPAs) in Cambodia. It highlights critical issues such as insecure land tenure, complex and slow establishment processes, limited economic opportunities, and a lack of clear mechanisms for dispute resolution and benefit sharing. The document argues that while the legal framework recognizes community roles, it often lacks the specificity and flexibility needed to empower local and indigenous communities effectively, leaving them dependent on NGOs and vulnerable to powerful private interests.

The document examines the role of women environmental defenders during the Covid-19 pandemic, treating the pandemic as a disaster. It argues that while the crisis magnified pre-existing vulnerabilities for marginalized groups and increased the domestic burden on women, women environmental defenders' networks were critical in providing relief and information to isolated communities. The brief highlights how these organizations adapted through digital tools and increased collaboration, ultimately strengthening their capacity for transformative DRR by addressing the root causes of vulnerability and advocating for socio-environmental justice.

The WACC 2022-2026 strategic plan establishes a framework to advance communication rights, particularly for marginalized populations. The organization identifies five priority areas: digital communication rights, the rights of migrants and refugees, the rights of indigenous peoples, climate change, and gender equality. A central tenet of the strategy is the concept of 'effective access,' which argues that technology alone is insufficient for social progress without accompanying literacy, language support, and education. The plan also emphasizes the need to counter the 'surveillance economy' and the dominance of global corporations over internet infrastructure. To achieve these goals, WACC intends to partner with civil society organizations in the Global South, support community-managed telecommunications, and utilize the Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP) to advocate for gender equality in news media.

The WACC Strategic Plan 2022-2026 establishes a framework to promote communication rights as inherent to all human rights. The organization identifies five priority programme areas: digital communication rights, migrants and refugees, Indigenous rights, climate change, and gender equality. WACC emphasizes 'effective access'—which integrates technology with literacy and education—to combat the digital divide and the influence of 'surveillance capitalism'. The plan also details organizational goals for financial sustainability, network expansion, and increased visibility within international bodies like the United Nations.

The WACC 2022–2026 Strategic Plan establishes a framework to advance communication rights as essential for human dignity and sustainable development. The organization identifies five programmatic priorities: digital communication rights, the rights of migrants and refugees, the rights of indigenous peoples, the intersection of communication and climate change, and gender equality in media. To achieve these, WACC emphasizes 'effective access'—which combines technology with literacy and education—and seeks to counter the influence of 'surveillance capitalism' and state censorship. The plan also details organizational goals for financial sustainability, network expansion, and increased visibility within global institutions like the United Nations.

The WACC 2022–2026 strategic plan establishes a framework to advance communication rights for marginalized populations. It identifies five priority areas: digital communication rights, the rights of migrants and refugees, indigenous peoples' rights, climate change, and gender equality. The plan emphasizes 'effective access'—combining technology with literacy and education—and seeks to counter the influence of global corporate monopolies and authoritarian censorship. Key operational goals include diversifying funding, enhancing organizational structures, and strengthening global partnerships to support the UN 2030 Agenda.

The report finds that while updated NDCs show increased ambition and better alignment with national planning, a massive gap remains between current commitments and the emissions reductions needed to limit warming to 1.5°C. Mitigation efforts have improved in scope and transparency, but many sectoral measures remain vague. Adaptation components are more prevalent in developing countries and show increased focus on equity and critical systems, though implementation details like timeframes and indicators are often missing. Climate finance requirements reported in NDCs total $4.282 trillion, highlighting a significant need for increased international support.

The report examines the challenges and opportunities for human-tiger coexistence in Asia, emphasizing that long-term tiger recovery depends on the support of approximately 47 million people living within tiger ranges. It proposes shifting from top-down conservation to inclusive partnerships that respect human rights and provide tangible socio-economic benefits. The document details strategies for managing human-tiger conflict (HTC) through the 'Safe Systems Approach,' explores sustainable financing models like Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES) and conservation performance payments, and advocates for the recognition of 'Other Effective area-based Conservation Measures' (OECMs) to expand protected habitats beyond traditional reserves.

The Center for International Environmental Law argues that COP26 failed to address the root causes of the climate crisis, specifically fossil fuels, and instead relied on 'false solutions' like carbon offsets. The statement highlights the exclusion of civil society and Indigenous Peoples from negotiations, the inadequacy of climate finance for adaptation and loss and damage, and the persistence of 'greenwashing' by corporate interests. While noting some progress in marginal alliances like the Beyond Oil & Gas Alliance, the author concludes that the official negotiated outcomes lack the ambition and equity required to keep global warming below 1.5°C.

The statement critiques 'Nature-based Solutions' (NbS) as a deceptive framework used by governments and corporations to justify 'net zero' targets without implementing deep emission reductions. It asserts that NbS rely on flawed assumptions about carbon sequestration and risk triggering massive land grabs in the Global South, citing the example of ENI in Mozambique. The author calls for structural changes, immediate emission cuts by developed nations, and the protection of Indigenous rights over market-based environmental schemes.

The report examines the expansion of transnational corporations (TNCs) in Latin America and the Caribbean, specifically within the agro-industrial and energy sectors. It argues that neoliberal state reforms, free trade agreements, and investment treaties since the 1990s have facilitated the concentration of power, leading to the displacement of small-scale farmers, environmental degradation, and systemic violence. The document highlights a gendered dimension to these impacts, noting that women face severe restrictions on land ownership and increased vulnerability to violence. It concludes by proposing strategies for resistance, including the promotion of food sovereignty, agroecology, and the pursuit of a legally binding UN treaty to end corporate impunity.

The document examines the expansion of transnational corporations (TNCs) in Latin America and the Caribbean, specifically within the energy and agriculture sectors. It argues that neoliberal reforms, free trade agreements, and the dismantling of state institutions have enabled TNCs to control territories, leading to widespread dispossession, environmental degradation, and human rights violations. The report highlights a systemic pattern of anti-democratic governance and a specific, severe impact on women's rights and land tenure. It concludes by proposing strategies for resistance, including the promotion of food sovereignty, agroecology, and the establishment of a UN Binding Treaty on Human Rights and Transnational Corporations.