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The document examines how AI can support peacebuilding through early warning systems, digital dialogue, and humanitarian mapping, while warning against risks such as digital surveillance, algorithmic bias, and the amplification of polarization. It argues that AI should be a complementary tool to human diplomacy, requiring governance rooted in human rights and community participation to avoid exacerbating instability.

The document analyzes the crisis facing ECOWAS in 2025, characterized by the exit of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, and a decline in the organization's normative authority regarding democratic governance. It identifies a structural power imbalance where the executive Authority dominates, leading to inconsistent applications of 'zero-tolerance' policies toward unconstitutional changes of government (UCGs). The authors propose a three-phase reform strategy: first, restoring political authority through the operationalization of ECOSOC and revised sanctions; second, rebalancing power by making Court rulings binding and introducing parliamentary confirmation for Commission leadership; and third, transitioning to a supranational model with direct elections for the Parliament and primacy of Community law. The brief emphasizes the need for a coalition of 'reform champions'—including Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Senegal, and Ghana—and strategic financial support from Germany and the EU to ensure regional stability.

Natural Justice assesses South Africa's 2025 draft NDC, acknowledging progress in absolute emissions targets but warning that these are undermined by over-reliance on international conditionality and a lack of concrete implementation plans. The submission argues that the draft fails to meet the 'highest possible ambition' standard set by the ICJ, citing gaps in adaptation financing, the exclusion of natural disturbance emissions from accounting, and the absence of a clear fossil fuel phase-out schedule. It recommends integrating a Human Rights-Based Approach (HRBA), establishing a grant-based Loss and Damage facility funded partly by a tax on fossil fuel profits, and mandating Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) for all climate projects.

The policy brief highlights the lack of transitional justice mechanisms in Cyprus, where conflict-related trauma and 'ambiguous loss' remain unaddressed. It warns that as older generations pass away, the risk of losing first-hand testimonies increases, leaving future generations to rely on potentially polarizing second-hand narratives. The author proposes a shift from high-level political negotiations toward community-led, trauma-informed initiatives, including memorial spaces, intergenerational dialogue, and the archiving of underrepresented histories from the 1950s to 1970s. The brief draws on international best practices from Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Chile to suggest informal, grassroots alternatives to state-level truth commissions.

The document provides a methodology for Colombian financial institutions to align their Environmental and Social Risk Management Systems (SARAS) with Circular Externa 015 of 2025. It proposes using the Taskforce on Nature-related Financial Disclosures (TNFD) framework, the LEAP approach (Locate, Evaluate, Assess, Prepare), and the ENCORE tool to identify, measure, control, and monitor nature-related risks and opportunities across their portfolios.

The document calls on New York Governor Kathy Hochul to sign the TREES Act, which would make New York the first U.S. state to require proof that state-purchased products do not drive deforestation. The author argues that this action is necessary to align state procurement with global markets and combat the climate catastrophe, especially as the European Union's similar deforestation regulation faces implementation delays.

A joint statement by five environmental and health organizations providing recommendations to the Government of Canada to strengthen the draft Implementation Framework for the Right to a Healthy Environment under the Canadian Environmental Protection Act, 1999 (CEPA).

The research paper examines the gap between constitutional human rights declarations and actual implementation within BRICS nations. It argues that the organisation, now expanded to include several non-democratic states, may function as a shield for autocratic regimes to avoid Western-led human rights sanctions while pursuing economic and geopolitical influence. The author highlights systemic violations across member states, including democratic backsliding in Brazil and India, war crimes in Russia, state-sponsored forced labour in China, and systemic corruption and xenophobia in South Africa, concluding that BRICS members often instrumentalise human rights rhetoric to assert regional dominance.

The report argues that COP29 failed to advance human rights-based climate action, citing a weak new climate finance goal, the operationalization of flawed carbon markets, and a restrictive civic environment in the host country. It highlights the removal of references to the right to a healthy environment and the lack of progress on just transition and gender justice, calling for stronger legal obligations and human rights safeguards in future UNFCCC processes.

The report details how private equity firms profit from the detention and sheltering of immigrants in the United States through contracts for facility management, healthcare, telecommunications, and biometrics. It highlights specific instances of fiscal mismanagement and poor conditions in facilities managed by private equity-backed companies, such as DocGo and GardaWorld. The document also examines the expansion of surveillance through biometric systems like HART and the role of private equity in border militarization and deportation logistics.

Greece serves as a front-line state for the EU, managing mixed migratory flows through a policy that prioritizes deterrence over legal migration. While the country has seen shifts in arriving nationalities—with increases in Egyptians, Palestinians, and Iraqis—it faces significant challenges in the social and economic integration of refugees and asylum seekers. The government is currently attempting to expand legal labor pathways through bilateral agreements and domestic reforms to address labor shortages, while continuing to rely on EU funding to maintain border security and reception infrastructure.

The document examines the Eastern Mediterranean migration route, highlighting a shift toward deterrence policies across both EU member states (Greece, Cyprus) and neighboring countries (Egypt, Lebanon). It analyzes how EU external migration policy encourages these nations to act as 'gatekeepers' through financial and technical support in exchange for border management and the reduction of irregular departures. The report details specific mobility patterns, such as the surge in Egyptian migration via Libya and the displacement of Syrians and Lebanese due to regional conflict, while noting a systemic lack of legal migration pathways and significant barriers to healthcare, education, and employment for refugees and migrants across all four countries.

The report exposes how 400 banks and 400 investors provided billions in support for LNG expansion between 2021 and 2024, despite IEA warnings that no new export facilities are necessary for a 1.5C pathway. It highlights a significant gap between the net-zero pledges of financial institutions and their actual lending and investment practices, noting that most top funders lack effective LNG-specific policies. The document details the climate risks of methane leakage and the social impacts of LNG projects, while calling for a complete end to financial services for new LNG export and import terminals.

The report highlights a significant gap between the public sustainability commitments of major seafood companies and their actual implementation of robust traceability. While some companies like Thai Union and CP Foods have group-level commitments, most lack time-bound targets, detailed implementation plans, or annual progress reporting. The document argues that full-chain, digital, and interoperable traceability—specifically aligned with Global Dialogue on Seafood Traceability (GDST) standards—is essential for managing material risks such as IUU fishing, forced labour, and overfishing, and for complying with emerging regulations in the EU, US, and Japan.

The document argues that the European Commission's plan to use 'Omnibus' legislation to revise the CS3D, CSRD, and EU Taxonomy is a response to private sector lobbying under the guise of 'competitiveness' and 'administrative simplification'. The authors warn that this could undermine corporate accountability for human rights and environmental abuses, weaken civil liability for multinational companies, and jeopardize the EU's goal of carbon neutrality by 2050 and the Paris Agreement objectives.

COP 29 concluded with a new climate finance goal of at least USD 300 billion per year by 2035 for developing countries, though this remains below their identified needs. The conference saw a lack of progress on the COP 28 energy package, including the rejection of proposals for annual progress reports on transitioning away from fossil fuels and a failure to reiterate calls to phase out fossil fuel subsidies. While the national adaptation plan (NAP) assessment was delayed to 2025, agreements were reached on indicators for the UAE Framework for Global Climate Resilience and the establishment of the Baku Adaptation Road Map. Additionally, the Lima work programme on gender was extended by 10 years, but the document notes a failure to explicitly address human rights and gender-responsive finance in the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) decision.

The document outlines how overfishing undermines food security, livelihoods, and spiritual practices, while contributing to climate change and human rights abuses. It advocates for stronger international fisheries management, the elimination of harmful subsidies, and the expansion of marine protected areas.

The document is an open letter from a broad coalition of individuals and organizations calling for COP30 to move beyond the mere recognition of climate disinformation and instead implement binding, verifiable measures to protect information integrity. It argues that coordinated disinformation, primarily funded by the fossil fuel industry, sabotages the energy transition, threatens public health and human rights, and undermines the goals of the Paris Agreement. The signatories call on governments to regulate tech platforms that profit from manipulative content and demand an end to greenwashing and the monetization of disinformation.

CIEL expresses concern over Donald Trump's reelection, citing his pledges to reverse climate regulations and expand fossil fuel production. The organization commits to resisting these 'regressive plans' by building alliances, defending the rule of law, and protecting the right to a healthy environment globally.

The document analyzes the implementation of Article 6 of the Paris Agreement, focusing on the distinctions between the bilateral/multilateral trades of Article 6.2 and the UN-overseen global market of Article 6.4. It highlights critical loopholes, including the risk of double counting in aviation offsetting (CORSIA), the lack of oversight for Article 6.2 trades, and the potential for 'junk' credits from the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to transition into the new system. The author argues for stricter authorization processes, mandatory transparency, and a 'firewall' between carbon markets and the new climate finance package being negotiated at COP29.