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The paper outlines how the UK can align its trade policy with the Paris Agreement to capitalise on a low-carbon market estimated at £1.0–1.8 trillion annually by 2030. It identifies UK strengths in offshore wind, gas turbines, and financial services, and proposes a structured approach to FTAs. The authors categorise FTA provisions into 'triple wins' (tariffs, services, and standards), 'policy coherence' (intellectual property and procurement), and 'policy cooperation' (sustainable development chapters, private standards, and environmental taxes). It concludes with a checklist for policy-makers to ensure trade deals support climate-resilient development.

The document examines the shift by multilateral development banks (MDBs) toward using a borrower country's own domestic public financial management (PFM) and environmental and social frameworks (ESF) rather than imposing external rules. While UCS promotes national sovereignty and reduces duplication of costs, its adoption is hindered by MDB concerns over financial and reputational risks, as well as capacity gaps in borrowing countries. Case studies reveal divergent attitudes: South Africa views UCS as a right, Kenya prefers a hybrid approach, and Morocco is pragmatic, accepting MDB systems where domestic gaps exist.

The document details the systematic repurposing of Eskom's governance to facilitate large-scale corruption by a politically connected elite, specifically the Gupta family. It highlights the hollowing out of technical expertise through biased board and executive appointments, leading to irregular procurement in coal, IT, and infrastructure. Key cases include the awarding of overpriced contracts to Tegeta and the use of Trillian as a consultancy conduit. The authors argue that these failures have compromised Eskom's financial sustainability and South Africa's economic growth, recommending structural reforms and the unbundling of the utility.

The report describes a 'silent coup' in South Africa where a power elite centered around President Jacob Zuma and the Gupta family established a symbiotic relationship between the constitutional state and a 'shadow state'. This network repurposed state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and government departments to redirect public rents into private hands. The authors argue that the rhetoric of 'radical economic transformation' (RET) was used as a smokescreen for this systemic looting. Key mechanisms of capture included the manipulation of SOE boards, the ballooning of the public service to ensure political loyalty, and the subversion of security and intelligence agencies to protect the network and neutralize opposition. The report highlights specific cases of corruption at Transnet, Eskom, and Denel, and warns that the proposed Russian nuclear deal is a primary vehicle for massive future rent extraction.

The document argues that strengthening local food systems reduces vulnerability to climate-driven supply shocks in international chains. It recommends that cities protect agricultural land within and around municipal boundaries, utilizing innovative techniques like vertical agriculture and aquaponics. Additionally, it suggests that municipal policies and procurement should support small-scale food production and processing to enhance food security, employment, and community cohesion.

The report highlights a critical lack of transparency in the antibiotic supply chain for the French market, noting that while formulation often occurs in Europe, active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs) are primarily sourced from India and China. It documents severe environmental pollution and the proliferation of antibiotic-resistant bacteria around production sites in these countries, linking specific manufacturers like Aurobindo and Mylan to these impacts. The document argues that current French public procurement processes fail to account for these environmental risks and calls for a global audit and stricter transparency requirements to combat antimicrobial resistance.

The document identifies a gap in sustainability efforts regarding gender and social equity, particularly within SMEs. It argues that gender acts as a 'social stratifier' that limits women's access to education, finance, and leadership, which in turn hinders overall economic and environmental progress. The brief provides a business case for gender equality, noting that closing gender gaps in agriculture and employment could significantly boost GDP and food security. It suggests that the 'green economy' risks excluding women if technical roles in renewable energy and construction remain male-dominated. Recommendations include implementing family-friendly workplace policies, repealing discriminatory laws, and adopting public procurement policies that target female-led micro- and small enterprises.

Manish Bapna, representing the World Resources Institute and the Open Government Partnership (OGP), argues that while open government cannot solve all global crises alone, it is a necessary prerequisite for solving them. He identifies a failure of governance evidenced by the rise of populism, extreme poverty, and climate change. To combat this, he proposes five steps: protecting civic space, fostering citizen-centered governance, pursuing transformational rather than incremental change, improving tangible quality-of-life outcomes (such as clean air and water), and reinvigorating political leadership to deepen the impact of OGP commitments.

The document examines South Africa's transition from a liberal FDI regime to one focused on 'public interest' and sustainable development. It analyzes the role of the Competition Act and the Protection of Investment Act (PIA) in regulating mergers and acquisitions (M&As), using the Walmart-Massmart merger as a case study to illustrate the tension between investor interests and domestic socio-economic goals. The paper highlights risks associated with the PIA, such as the loss of international arbitration and subjective compensation standards, while suggesting improvements through a 'One-Stop Shop' for investors and support for small, medium and micro-sized enterprises (SMMEs) to integrate into regional value chains.

The document examines the conceptual and political drivers of corruption in post-apartheid South Africa. It contends that the African National Congress (ANC) deliberately rejected the liberal model of a neutral, meritocratic bureaucracy in favour of 'cadre deployment' and a partisan state to achieve social and economic transformation. This shift, combined with the adoption of 'public management' reforms that reduced rule-based discipline and the decentralisation of procurement to foster a black capitalist class, created a system where political loyalty superseded administrative competence. The author suggests that current 'state capture'—including the influence of the Gupta family—is a consequence of this eroded administrative autonomy and internal ANC factionalism.

The document argues that emission reductions of 80% or more are possible in Europe's energy-intensive industries through process, product, and business-model transformations, provided there is strong public policy support and funding for innovation.

The briefing argues that deep decarbonisation in Europe's energy-intensive industries is technically possible through process, product, and business-model transformations, though it requires strong public policy and funding. It details specific pathways for the chemical sector (bio-based feedstocks and circularity), steel (HIsarna, hydrogen-based DRI, and scrap-EAF production), and cement (calcium looping CCS and clinker substitution). It specifically recommends strengthening the EU ETS Innovation Fund to support the commercialisation of these capital-intensive technologies by 2030.

The Carbon-CAP project evaluated consumption-based policy instruments across four acceptability criteria: economic distributional impact, legal viability, international political/trade concerns, and institutional capacity. The analysis suggests a tiered implementation strategy, prioritizing instruments that change the available product range or costs—such as approved technology lists and supply chain procurement requirements—over those that merely influence consumer choice. The brief emphasizes that these instruments are most effective when deployed in complementary portfolios to spread responsibility between producers and consumers and to mitigate individual policy weaknesses.

The document examines the systemic overlap between political party officials, government officials, and the business sector in Mozambique, a phenomenon termed 'interwovenness'. It argues that the ruling party, Frelimo, has captured state power, leading to a culture of patronage and cronyism where state resources are exploited for party interests. While Mozambique has established various anti-corruption laws and institutions, such as the GCCC and the Law on Public Integrity, the brief contends that these are poorly implemented due to a lack of political will and the influence of Frelimo over the legislature and judiciary. The author highlights specific vulnerabilities in the extractive industries and foreign investment contracts, which are exempt from public procurement transparency rules. The brief recommends that the government publicise extractive industry concessions, that civil society increase its monitoring of business deals, and that the APRM Panel of Eminent Persons push for the domestication of the AU Convention against Corruption.

The report argues that the global infrastructure gap persists despite available capital due to a mismatch between investment instruments and project phases. It proposes shifting from bank loans to bond financing during operation phases, mitigating construction risk through guarantees and first-loss protection, and leveraging Islamic finance. The authors advocate for long-term master plans to resolve fiscal mismatches between federal and local governments, reforming procurement to prioritize life-cycle value over the lowest bid, and using fiscal incentives like green accelerated depreciation to encourage sustainable assets.

The document argues that while public and private sectors have inherently different goals and cultural perspectives, these differences can be leveraged through specific procurement and implementation mechanisms. It highlights 'best value' bid evaluation and performance-linked payment systems as critical tools for aligning interests. Additionally, it suggests informal collaboration methods, such as partnering sessions and joint offices, to reduce conflict and build trust during the long-term lifecycle of infrastructure projects.

The report finds that Brazil's current public price risk mitigation policies are inefficient, providing only R$ 4 billion in gains despite a R$ 5.4 billion federal budget in 2013. Simulation results indicate that farmers would be willing to pay approximately R$ 50 billion to mitigate price risks for soy, sugarcane, corn, and coffee, suggesting a significant unmet market demand. The authors recommend that the Brazilian government move away from direct production purchases and instead subsidize private market instruments, such as put options, to improve agricultural productivity and economic growth.

This policy brief outlines a three-step analytical approach to identify and prioritize policy instruments for reducing a country's external environmental footprint, using Sweden as a case study. It identifies approximately 60 existing or potential instruments and recommends a multi-sectoral strategy involving tax adjustments, public procurement criteria, and bilateral cooperation with producer countries to achieve the 'Generational Goal' of solving environmental problems without increasing them outside Swedish borders.

The paper examines the rise of 'mega-regional' trade agreements like the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), which aim for deep regulatory integration beyond WTO standards. It argues that while overall GDP impacts on outsiders may be small, these agreements risk eroding trade preferences and establishing new global regulatory norms that could marginalise developing countries. For South Africa, the authors recommend a strategy of unilateral regulatory reform, deeper regional integration within SADC and COMESA, and constructive engagement in the WTO to avoid being left behind by 'competitive liberalisation'.

The report examines Mexico's efforts to integrate SMEs into the public procurement process to combat economic dualism and low productivity. It details eight 'Big Ideas', including the use of free trade agreement reserves, the CompraNet 5.0 e-procurement platform, and NAFIN's credit guarantee and reverse factoring programs. The document highlights that while SMEs make up 99.8% of Mexican businesses, their participation in public tenders is less than 15%, significantly lower than in other industrialized nations. It argues that leveraging public spending, particularly through state-owned enterprises like PEMEX, can catalyze SME development and overall national productivity.