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The report argues that carbon pricing is a critical tool for meeting the Paris Agreement's goal of keeping global temperatures well below 2°C. It introduces 'Carbon Pricing Bands' to categorize price levels by their economic impact—ranging from 'Introductory' (up to $20) to 'Targeted' (above $80)—and presents four potential future trajectories: a 'Success Trajectory' leading to a low-carbon world, and three failure scenarios ('Sailing into the Cliff', 'Stormy Waters', and 'Running Aground') where temperatures rise by 3°C to 4°C due to inadequate or chaotic pricing policies. The update highlights post-COP21 developments, including the commitment of 90 nations to use market mechanisms and specific national actions in China, India, and Canada.

The report examines the regressive nature of LPG subsidies and explores strategies for reform that protect energy access for the poor. It specifically analyzes Indonesia's situation, noting that the government spent IDR 713.5 trillion on energy subsidies in 2024, with nearly 90% supporting fossil fuels. The document identifies electric induction cooking as the most practical alternative to subsidized LPG for Indonesia to reduce costs and improve public health.

The document outlines strategies for Indonesia to reform its regressive LPG subsidies, which currently allow high-income households to capture a disproportionate share of benefits. It identifies four international pricing mechanisms—deregulated, automatic adjustment, pre-determined increases, and stabilization mechanisms—and argues that the ideal goal is market pricing achieved through gradual transitions. The report emphasizes that reforms must be paired with targeted social protections to ensure low-income households maintain access to clean cooking fuels. It details various international targeting models, including El Salvador's mobile-phone based vendor payments, India's Direct Benefits Transfer (DBTL) and voluntary 'Give it Up!' campaign, Peru's FISE voucher system, and Thailand's electricity-consumption based eligibility. Finally, it highlights the critical role of communication and the demonstrable effectiveness of alternative subsidy delivery systems in securing public approval for reform.

The report analyzes global LPG pricing mechanisms and subsidy reform strategies, highlighting the need for targeted assistance to protect vulnerable populations. It details specific case studies from El Salvador, India, Mexico, Peru, and Thailand, emphasizing that successful reform requires a combination of gradual price adjustments, effective targeting technologies, and comprehensive communication strategies to maintain public support.

The document argues that bridging the emissions gap requires both 'getting the economics right' through financial mobilisation and carbon pricing, and 'getting the politics right' through leadership and stakeholder engagement. It emphasizes a 'development first' approach for developing countries, using the 'cost of inaction' to build national consensus. To avoid maladaptation and protect the poorest, the text advocates for the inclusion of socially marginalised groups and women in decision-making, while managing the 'water-energy-food nexus' and removing laws that undermine climate goals.

The report analyzes the complex system of producer subsidies for coal in China, including direct financial support, tax breaks, and preferential financing. It highlights how these subsidies, often provided to state-owned enterprises, create market distortions that hinder the transition to renewable energy and maintain coal overcapacity despite environmental goals.

The document is a declaration calling for the end of fossil fuel exploration and extraction to address the climate crisis and mass extinction. It demands a just transition to a democratized, 100% renewable energy system, the removal of fossil fuel industry influence from policymaking, and the recognition of the rights of Indigenous and frontline communities.

The report identifies 18 subsidies to coal extraction in China for the 2013–2015 period, quantifying 11 of them. For 2013, quantifiable subsidies (excluding credit support) totaled CNY 35.7 billion (USD 5.8 billion). The most significant quantified measures include temporary tax and fee relief from provincial and local governments (USD 1.65 billion), state budget investment in fixed assets (USD 1.27 billion), and compensations for mine shutdowns under phase-out plans (USD 1.03 billion). Credit support is identified as a potentially massive but uncertain subsidy, estimated between CNY 3.5 billion and 35.7 billion annually depending on the scenario. The report argues that these subsidies, particularly those driving long-term investment, lock in coal use and act as barriers to renewable energy deployment.

The Coal Atlas 2015 examines the systemic damage caused by coal extraction and combustion, highlighting its role as a primary driver of global CO2 emissions and its associated health and human rights violations. It analyzes the economic instability of the 'carbon bubble' and the failure of technologies like carbon capture and storage, while documenting the rise of renewable energy and grassroots protests against the coal industry across various nations, including China, India, the US, Russia, and Germany.

The report finds that removing fossil fuel subsidies in 20 countries could reduce national emissions by an average of 11% by 2020, increasing to 18% if 30% of the savings are reinvested in renewable energy and energy efficiency.

The research paper argues that climate policy has historically over-emphasized demand-side measures, such as carbon pricing and energy efficiency, while neglecting the supply side of the fossil fuel economy. The authors identify three primary barriers to supply-side action: political opposition from powerful fossil fuel interests, territorial GHG accounting rules that under-credit supply-side reductions, and a common perception that restricting production merely causes 'leakage' to other regions. The paper proposes a typology of supply-side policies, including producer subsidy reform, conservation payments for leaving reserves undeveloped, and ring-fenced cap-and-trade systems for production rights. It suggests that integrating supply-side measures can widen the mitigation cost curve, reducing the cost of achieving emission targets and mitigating 'carbon lock-in' and 'stranded-asset' risks. The authors highlight the case of Norway, where a combined supply-demand strategy could potentially achieve global emission reductions at one-third the cost of a demand-only approach.

Friends of the Earth Asia Pacific presents a series of community-driven projects—such as solar cooperatives in South Korea and community forest management in Indonesia—as scalable models for a just transition. The report argues that Asia faces entwined crises of extreme poverty and climate change, necessitating a shift away from 'business as usual' toward economic systems that prioritize people and the planet. It concludes with ten specific policy demands for Asian leaders, including the end of fossil fuel subsidies, the adoption of a UN Treaty on multinational business accountability, and the implementation of regional plans for a 100% renewable energy transformation.

The Corporate Leaders Group (CLG) advocates for the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies by 2025, arguing that these subsidies create perverse incentives that undermine carbon pricing and hinder the transition to a low-carbon economy. The document highlights that eliminating these subsidies could reduce global greenhouse gas emissions by 13% and free up significant government resources, particularly in developing countries where subsidies often exceed healthcare spending. CLG supports the Fossil Fuel Subsidy Reform Communiqué, which calls for transparency, ambition in timeframe, and targeted support for the poorest populations during the transition.

Environmental groups argue that a proposed provision in the Customs Act (H.R. 644) would 'handcuff' U.S. negotiators by ensuring trade agreements do not require changes to U.S. laws regarding global warming, thereby undermining future climate action and international commitments.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) warns that Section 912(b)(15) of the Customs Bill would hinder climate mitigation by preventing trade agreements from requiring changes to U.S. law regarding global warming. CIEL argues this would leave domestic policies vulnerable to trade challenges, weaken U.S. bargaining power in UNFCCC and CITES negotiations, and block the use of trade agreements to phase out fossil fuel subsidies or promote green technologies, specifically citing risks to the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and U.S.-China climate cooperation.

A collection of brief policy proposals from UK university scientists advocating for deep emission reductions, the removal of fossil fuel subsidies, and a transition to renewable energy infrastructure to meet global climate targets.

The We Mean Business Coalition calls on climate negotiators to establish a policy framework that signals long-term decarbonization to guide capital investment. Key demands include a global net-zero objective before the end of the century, a five-year cycle of science-based commitments aligned with IPCC reporting, and shared accountability rules to ensure emissions reductions are accurately tracked.

The report assesses the global climate finance landscape, highlighting the critical role of public finance in catalyzing private investment. It examines various financial tools—including green bonds, carbon pricing, and risk mitigation instruments—and analyzes the performance of multilateral development banks and bilateral agencies. The document emphasizes that while global flows have increased, significant gaps remain in tracking private finance and achieving the USD 100 billion goal due to low carbon prices and a lack of stable enabling environments in developing nations.

The document identifies six clusters of trade-related commitments in the post-2015 agenda, ranging from subsidy reform to the strengthening of the multilateral trading system. It argues that because trade's contribution to sustainable development is diffuse, a coordinated review process is necessary to ensure policy coherence. The authors propose a three-tier review architecture consisting of national self-assessments, regional peer reviews, and global thematic assessments. A central role is assigned to the World Trade Organization's Trade Policy Review Mechanism (TPRM) and the High-level Political Forum (HLPF). To manage the complexity of data and reporting, the paper recommends the creation of an inter-agency task force to synthesize trade-related reports and provide analytical oversight of trade-offs between goals.

The report analyzes India's transition from a system of 'under-recoveries' for diesel to formal price decontrol in October 2014. It details a gradualist approach involving an initial price hike in September 2012 followed by monthly incremental increases. This strategy successfully reduced diesel demand and stabilized external sector deficits, though it incurred political costs for the UPA government. The document highlights that while diesel reform was achieved, other fuels like kerosene remained subsidized, and the government retained the ability to intervene in pricing through state-owned oil marketing companies.