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CIEL responds to critiques of its report 'Fuel to the Fire', asserting that the fossil fuel industry has actively promoted carbon capture and storage (CCS), carbon dioxide removal (CDR), and solar radiation management (SRM) to entrench a fossil-based economy. The organization provides specific examples of industry-funded researchers and think tanks shaping geoengineering discourse and argues that these technologies are more likely to exacerbate the climate crisis by delaying the necessary phase-out of fossil fuels.

This report by the Center for International Environmental Law examines the fossil fuel industry's involvement in the development and promotion of geoengineering technologies, arguing that these strategies are used to justify the continued use of carbon-intensive fuels and avoid systemic change.

A February 2019 survey of 16,798 registered US voters indicates broad, bipartisan support for holding oil and gas companies responsible for climate change damages and adaptation costs. The data shows that support for lawsuits against polluters increases significantly after respondents are informed about the fossil fuel industry's history of disinformation campaigns.

The report analyzes Indonesia's shift from a high fiscal reliance on oil and gas revenues to a more diversified economy. It highlights a critical imbalance where government revenues from fossil fuel production are largely offset by inefficient consumption subsidies that disproportionately benefit wealthy households. The document warns of the risk of stranded assets valued between USD 200–300 billion and argues for phasing out fossil fuel subsidies to create fiscal space for renewable energy and social development.

The document reports a significant increase in hazardous toxic air pollution and cancer risks in Pennsylvania linked to the oil and gas industry between 2011 and 2014, highlighting the vulnerability of over 1.6 million residents and 300,000 students living near operations.

The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) developed a methodology to assess eight major investor-owned oil, gas, and coal companies on their climate responsibility. The assessment uses 28 metrics across four broad areas: renouncing disinformation, planning for a carbon-free world, supporting effective climate policies, and disclosing climate risks. Companies are scored on a five-point scale from 'advanced' to 'egregious' based on publicly available data from July 1, 2016, to June 30, 2018.

The report provides a scoring framework and detailed evaluations for eight fossil fuel companies—Arch Coal, BP, Chevron, ConocoPhillips, CONSOL Energy, ExxonMobil, Peabody Energy, and Royal Dutch Shell—regarding their public statements on climate science, trade association affiliations, governance policies, and responses to shareholder resolutions. It identifies a systemic failure among these companies to implement policies preventing the spread of climate disinformation, with most receiving 'Poor' or 'Egregious' scores. The document also catalogues historical and recent disinformation activities by trade associations such as the American Petroleum Institute (API) and the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC).

The document argues that Canada remains a significant provider of fossil fuel subsidies among G7 nations, despite some reforms. It details various federal mechanisms of support, including tax deductions for exploration and development, and direct funding for innovation and carbon capture. The report highlights that the apparent decrease in subsidies between 2013 and 2016 was largely due to low oil prices and accounting practices that allow companies to defer tax deductions, rather than a complete elimination of support. It further argues that these subsidies are incompatible with Canada's climate goals and the need for a just transition for workers.

The study finds that replicating successful sectoral policies globally could reduce projected 2030 annual GHG emissions to approximately 50 GtCO2e, compared to 60 GtCO2e under current policies. The most significant reductions would occur in the electricity sector through renewable energy expansion, followed by reductions in fluorinated gases, oil and gas venting and flaring, and industrial efficiency. While this approach would significantly narrow the emissions gap with a 2°C pathway, it would not close it entirely.

The document describes Exxon's legal strategy of initiating discovery processes in Texas against public officials and attorneys from California and Massachusetts. The author characterizes these actions as intimidation tactics designed to disrupt lawsuits filed by California jurisdictions against fossil fuel producers for their role in the climate crisis. It highlights previous failed attempts by Exxon to claim a conspiracy involving NGOs and prosecutors in New York and Massachusetts, and argues that the company is attempting to use municipal bond disclosures to allege fraud against the cities suing it.

The Gateway Pacific coal terminal, which would have been the largest in North America exporting 48 million tons of coal annually to Asia, was stopped after the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers denied federal permits. This decision was the first of its kind to protect the treaty rights of a tribal nation, specifically the Lummi Nation, whose fisheries and ancestral lands were threatened. The effort involved a coalition including Friends of the Earth and Power Past Coal, who submitted over 124,000 public comments. The document further highlights the ongoing threat from the proposed Millennium Bulk Terminals project in Longview, Washington.

Scientists for Global Responsibility and other campaign organisations condemn the sponsorship of 'New Scientist Live' by Shell and BAE Systems, arguing that such partnerships provide unethical companies with unmerited social legitimacy and allow them to deflect from their environmental and human rights impacts.

The Institute for Policy Integrity argues that the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) acted irrationally by staying the Waste Prevention Rule—which aimed to stop oil and gas companies from wasting natural gas on public lands—without considering the forgone benefits of the rule. The brief contends that the BLM's justification relied solely on cost savings, ignoring the benefits it had previously used to justify the rule's enactment, and calls for the stay to be vacated.

The document details findings from a study published in Climatic Change that attributes specific percentages of global warming and sea level rise to the largest carbon producers. It highlights that the 90 largest producers contributed 57% of the atmospheric carbon dioxide rise since 1880, while 50 investor-owned companies were responsible for roughly 16% of the temperature increase and 11% of sea level rise over the same period. The text argues that these companies knew of the risks as early as 1965 but chose to misinform the public.

Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR) supports the March for Science, advocating for science that serves the common good rather than those in power. The organization criticizes the US government for suppressing climate science and ignoring evidence, while also warning against the power of large corporations and the fossil fuel industry to shape research agendas and undermine scientific evidence.

The World Resources Institute outlines five primary reasons why the United States should maintain its participation in the Paris Agreement, asserting that withdrawal would harm U.S. diplomatic standing, business interests, and job growth in the clean energy sector. The author highlights that 71 percent of Americans support staying in the Agreement and notes that the U.S. clean energy workforce is expanding significantly faster than the coal sector. Furthermore, the document argues that remaining in the Agreement allows the U.S. to maintain leverage over transparency requirements and the development of the Agreement's rulebook.

The statement highlights the systemic challenges faced by women and transgender environmental activists, including the intersection of patriarchy, capitalism, and environmental destruction. Activists from various regions report that gender-based oppressions—such as the sexual division of work, lack of funding for women-led campaigns, and state persecution—hinder environmental activism. Conversely, the document emphasizes the growing international solidarity among women and queer activists who are integrating food sovereignty and anti-fossil fuel efforts with the dismantling of patriarchal systems.

The World Resources Institute argues that the U.S. Secretary of Energy should leverage the falling costs of wind and solar energy to position the United States as a global leader in clean technology. The statement highlights Texas's growth in wind power under Rick Perry's governorship as a model for national energy development.

The commentary uses Cumberland County, Nova Scotia, as a case study to illustrate a global trend where the renewable energy sector creates new employment opportunities to offset job losses in the fossil fuel industry, countering common concerns that climate policies harm economic competitiveness.

The document analyzes the impact of 'fast depreciation' and 'uplift' tax provisions on the profitability of over 700 licensed but non-producing oil and gas fields in Norway. It finds that these measures significantly increase the internal rate of return (IRR) for investors, making many fields economic that would otherwise be abandoned. At an oil price of USD 50 per barrel, the analysis suggests 95% of new oil investment depends on these supports, which could lead to an additional 8 billion barrels of production and 2.9 billion metric tonnes of CO2 emissions.