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The document argues that African countries must integrate an ecosystem-based approach into economic planning to protect natural assets from pressures like population growth and extractive industries. It advocates for the use of ecological accounting and natural asset pricing to quantify the economic value of ecosystems, which often exceeds the value of their conversion for mining or farming. The brief recommends a multi-level governance system—combining national interdisciplinary coordination with local community co-management—and the adoption of innovative financing like Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) and Blue Carbon frameworks. It emphasizes the need for rigorous environmental impact assessments (EIAs) and scientific spatial mapping to guide conservation priorities and regulate development in sensitive areas.

The report analyzes the systemic power imbalances in compensation processes for extractive industries, where benefits often accrue at the state level while costs are borne by local communities. It evaluates several mechanisms for improving outcomes: Community Development Agreements (CDAs) in mining, strategic human rights litigation, and Biocultural Community Protocols. A specific case study of the Chad-Cameroon Oil & Pipeline Project illustrates the failures of individual-based monetary compensation and argues for a paradigm shift toward livelihood restoration and 'land for land' replacement.

An anti-fracking coalition in South Africa opposes Minister Susan Shabangu's plan for shale gas exploration in the Karoo, describing it as an extractive process that benefits a small elite while threatening the natural environment and ignoring the needs of local residents for agrarian transformation and basic services.

The paper identifies six primary risk factors for conflict in Mozambique: history of violence and political party dynamics, geographic distribution, poverty and inequality, expectations, corruption, and the cost of extraction. While the authors conclude that full-scale civil war is improbable, they warn of a high likelihood of periodic pockets of violence, particularly in resource-rich regions where political opposition is strong and local populations feel marginalised.

The report outlines a methodology for creating biocultural community protocols—documents that record a community's customary laws, governance, and visions—to help them negotiate with extractive industries. It provides action research questions, guidance for facilitators, and tools for community mobilisation and external engagement, while highlighting the legal and structural challenges faced by communities in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

The report documents a pattern of violence and judicial harassment against land and environmental rights defenders in 2013. It argues that these individuals are particularly vulnerable as global competition for land and resources increases, often facing threats from government forces and corporations. The document provides specific case studies from Europe, the Americas, Africa, and Asia, detailing arrests, murders, and forced evictions linked to opposition against extractive industries, mega-projects, and agribusiness.

The report examines Greenland's approach to sustainable development amidst rising international interest in its petroleum, minerals, and rare earth resources. While it praises the adoption of 'best-in-class' environmental and social impact assessments, it warns of gaps in emergency preparedness, dispute resolution, and the potential for a 'two-tier wage system' for migrant workers. The authors argue that Greenland must diversify its economy beyond extractives and improve its capacity to negotiate with powerful global investors to avoid the 'natural resource curse'.

The document examines the escalating tensions between the Frelimo government and Renamo in Mozambique, triggered by Renamo's 2009 electoral defeat and subsequent claims of fraud. It assesses whether Renamo's threats to return to civil war are credible, noting that while the party lacks the external support and youth it had during the 1975-1992 conflict, it remains capable of sabotaging key infrastructure. The brief highlights internal rifts within Renamo between 'bush' and 'city' factions and the rising influence of the Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM). It also discusses the geopolitical concerns of SADC members, particularly Zimbabwe and Malawi, regarding the disruption of economic corridors, and recommends sincere political dialogue and regional mediation to ensure peaceful 2014 general elections.

The document examines South Africa's efforts to shift toward a low-carbon growth trajectory through various policy frameworks like the National Development Plan and the Green Economy Accord. It highlights a fundamental tension: while the government aims for a green transition to create jobs and reduce emissions, the country remains heavily reliant on coal-fired power and extractive industries to address urgent poverty and unemployment. The paper also explores South Africa's potential to lead other African nations in green investment and policy development.

The report by Friends of the Earth International analyzes how water is being transformed from a common good into a financial asset through corporate capture, international trade agreements, and extractive projects. It provides case studies from various regions—including Palestine, Australia, Sri Lanka, the US, Colombia, Argentina, Uruguay, Switzerland, England, Mozambique, Mexico, and El Salvador—to illustrate the social and environmental impacts of this trend. The document concludes that the 'financialization' of water allows transnational agents to speculate on natural resources, often with the complicity of states, and advocates for the recognition of water as a common good managed through community-led and public systems.

The report examines the critical role of mangrove ecosystems in Mozambique, highlighting their value in carbon sequestration, coastal protection, and supporting fisheries. It identifies significant threats from urban growth, aquaculture, and the extractive boom in oil, gas, and mining. The author argues that Mozambique's current governance is fragmented across multiple ministries, leading to weak enforcement of environmental laws. The document advocates for the use of ecosystem valuation, Strategic Environmental Assessments (SEAs), and 'Blue Carbon' financing to incentivize conservation and reconcile economic growth with ecological sustainability.

The paper examines the debate surrounding the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Amendment Bill of 2013, specifically the potential shift from a 'first-in, first-assessed' (FIFA) system to competitive bidding for mining rights. It outlines the advantages of auctions—such as rent maximisation and increased transparency—while warning of risks including high administrative burdens, delays in mine development, and the potential for corruption in weak institutional environments. Using examples from Afghanistan and Liberia, the authors argue that any such system must be clearly enshrined in law to limit ministerial discretion and should ideally be a mixed system based on the availability of geological data.

The statement denounces the persecution of Berta Cáceres and other activists in Honduras, attributing the violence to a 'model extractivo minero' and 'energías sucias' driven by international financial capital and neoliberal globalization. It highlights the systemic impunity for officials who militarize indigenous territories while defenders of Lenca, Garífuna, and Miskito lands are targeted by state forces and private security for multinationals in the mining, oil, and hydroelectric sectors.

The document presents a transparency template based on the International Bar Association Mining Law Committee's Model Mining Development Agreement (MMDA 1.0). It includes a template of sections, an explanatory narrative, and a search for model oil and gas agreements. The report highlights that the effectiveness of mining agreements is often hindered by an imbalance of resources and capacity between negotiating parties, particularly in developing countries that struggle to field multidisciplinary teams of specialists.

The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) argues that the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Amendment Bill 2013 requires greater transparency and less ministerial discretion to attract investment and ensure sustainable development. Drawing on Botswana's success, SAIIA recommends against replacing the 'first-in, first-assessed' licensing system with auctions without better geoscience data, suggests introducing 'retention licences' to secure tenure, and advises against the state acting as both regulator and operator through free carried interests. The submission highlights that Botswana's high ranking in the Fraser Institute Survey is due to institutional quality and predictable legislation, contrasting this with South Africa's regulatory uncertainty.

The policy brief highlights that mangroves are among the world's most threatened vegetation types, with over 20% lost in the last 30 years. It emphasizes that in Africa, mangroves often overlap with fossil fuel deposits and infrastructure projects, leading to degradation. The author advocates for the use of ecosystem valuations, integrated coastal zone management, and the inclusion of local communities in decision-making to reconcile economic growth with biodiversity conservation. Proposed interventions include the adoption of 'no net loss' policies, the use of Strategic Environmental Assessments (SEAs), and the implementation of Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) and Blue Carbon trading to provide financial incentives for conservation.

The document examines Mozambique's transition from aid dependence to potential resource-based sovereignty following the discovery of over 100 trillion cubic feet of natural gas in the Rovuma Basin. It argues that while the 'gas boom' offers a significant opportunity for poverty alleviation and industrialization, the country faces risks of the 'resource curse' and 'Dutch disease' due to high levels of corruption and a history of 'mega-projects' that have failed to provide broad-based benefits. The author emphasizes the need for transparent governance, the renegotiation of inequitable contracts, and a strategic balance between LNG exports and domestic industrial use to ensure tangible benefits for the general population.

The report examines the socio-economic importance of small-scale fisheries in Mozambique, which support approximately 334,000 people. It analyzes the pressures on the sector, including internal issues like overfishing and illegal 'chicocota' netting, and external pressures from the expansion of coal and gas extractive industries, tourism-driven marine protected areas, and climate change. The document evaluates the effectiveness of co-management through Community Fisheries Councils (CCPs) and recommends improving financial transparency, community involvement in environmental impact assessments, and adaptive governance to enhance resilience against climate-related hazards.

The research paper argues that South Africa's military involvement in the Central African Republic (CAR) is driven by a desire to contest Western influence and secure resource interests. It highlights the CAR's wealth in diamonds, uranium, and potential oil, which has attracted Chinese investment and caused friction with France. The author notes that South Africa's efforts to resist 'western interference' have been undermined by a lack of regional diplomatic support and insufficient intelligence infrastructure, leading to a 'humiliating experience' in the face of more established international rivals.

The document highlights that while Niger has the world's fourth largest uranium production, with export values exceeding 348 million Euros in 2010, the environmental governance of this sector is largely ignored by development cooperation donors despite reports of severe impacts.