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The document examines the Global Compact on Refugees (GCR) and the Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF), arguing that while they offer a progressive 'whole of society' approach to refugee integration, their non-binding nature and flawed funding mechanisms hinder their effectiveness in Africa. It highlights a gap between liberal policy and implementation in South Africa and the failure of the CRRF in Tanzania due to financial burdens. The authors advocate for a results-based management system and a stronger link between security, development, and migration to address the root causes of displacement on the continent.

The document argues that standard quantitative and qualitative methods often fail to capture the non-linear, asymmetric, and multi-layered nature of the migration-development nexus. It presents QCA as a solution that identifies 'necessary and sufficient conditions' and 'equifinality' (multiple paths to the same outcome). The authors provide a guide to QCA implementation—covering calibration, consistency, and coverage—and review three case studies at the macro (EU sanctions in Africa), meso (agricultural change in China), and micro (internet penetration in Ghana) levels to demonstrate the method's utility. It concludes that QCA should be triangulated with other methods to provide robust evidence for policy.

The document argues that the natural environment is fundamental to economic resilience and that Nature-based Solutions (NbS) offer cost-effective, flexible alternatives or complements to engineered infrastructure for adapting to climate change. It details the dependencies of key economic sectors on ecosystem services and provides evidence that NbS can mitigate risks from coastal hazards, intense precipitation, drought, and heat while providing co-benefits such as carbon sequestration and biodiversity conservation. The authors identify significant barriers to the adoption of NbS, including lack of awareness, limited finance, and technical capacity gaps, and recommend integrating nature into climate vulnerability assessments and procurement policies.

The document challenges the assumption that peace is inherently good for all businesses, arguing that many companies operating in fragile and conflict-affected states (FCAS) may actually benefit from the status quo or face severe reprisals for engaging in peacebuilding. It contends that policies focusing solely on GDP growth or 'de-risking' investment without considering conflict dynamics can exacerbate fragility. The author urges 'systems shapers'—those who finance and regulate the private sector—to adopt conflict-sensitive approaches and ensure corporate accountability to prevent the private sector from becoming a vector for instability.

The report assesses the gender-specific vulnerabilities and socioeconomic barriers facing rural communities in central and north Benin to ensure the 'Enhanced Climate Resilience' project is gender-responsive. It identifies significant gaps in land ownership, education, and decision-making power between men and women, noting that women are more susceptible to economic shocks and 'time poverty'. The assessment proposes a Gender Action Plan to mainstream gender equality into forest management and agricultural interventions, aiming to prevent the marginalization of women as EbA strategies are implemented.

The report establishes a framework for understanding nature-related risk to business (NRR), defining it as risks arising when changes in a company's impacts on or dependencies on nature become threats due to exposure and vulnerability. It categorizes these risks into five types: physical, regulatory and legal, market, reputational, and financial. Through a review of over 70 sources and four case studies (BP, Vale, German exporters in South Africa, and PG&E), the document demonstrates how environmental degradation can lead to severe financial losses, operational disruptions, and bankruptcy. It emphasizes that nature-related risks and climate risks are 'twin emergencies' that are mutually reinforcing.

Three Romanian NGOs—Alburnus Maior, Greenpeace Romania, and the Independent Center for the Development of Environmental Resources (ICDER)—are petitioning the ICSID Tribunal for amicus curiae status in the case of Gabriel Resources Ltd. v. Romania. The petitioners argue that the proposed open-pit gold mine in Roşia Montană poses severe risks to cultural heritage, including 2000-year-old Roman mining galleries, and threatens the environment through the use of cyanide, citing the 2000 Baia Mare spill as a precedent for potential disaster. They assert that their participation is essential to provide the Tribunal with unique factual and legal insights derived from their direct connection to the affected local communities and their history of strategic litigation against the project's permits. The NGOs emphasize that the case involves significant public interest, including the potential forced relocation of over 350 families and the risk of environmental degradation, which justifies transparency and civil society participation under the Romania-Canada BIT and ICSID rules.

The statement advocates for the UN General Assembly to recognize the right to a healthy and sustainable environment, noting that while over 100 national constitutions and various regional treaties already protect this right, the lack of global UN recognition creates a gap in the human rights protection regime. It asserts that such recognition would prioritize the prevention of environmental degradation and strengthen legal remedies against corporate and public policy failures.

The document examines the shift in international investment governance as countries move toward 'new-generation' model investment treaties. It highlights how states are revising their models to correct problematic language, integrate sustainable development goals, and limit the use of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS). The text details specific national approaches from Canada, the Netherlands, India, Nigeria, and Brazil, while noting a general trend toward more transparent, consultative processes in drafting these agreements.

The report examines the responses of Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad, and Niger to the Boko Haram insurgency. It highlights the role of the Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF) in coordinating military action and the use of national strategies like Nigeria's Operation Lafiya Dole and Cameroon's RMIA4. The authors argue that while military cooperation has improved, non-military responses remain ad-hoc. Security restrictions, such as curfews and trade bans, have negatively impacted local livelihoods, potentially alienating civilians. The report also discusses the challenges of reintegrating ex-militants and the politicization of reconstruction efforts in Borno state ahead of the 2019 elections.

The document examines the intersection of mining, governance, and the Fourth Industrial Revolution in Africa. It argues that while the global energy transition will double demand for minerals like copper, lithium, and cobalt, African countries must strengthen institutions to ensure these resources drive broad-based industrialisation rather than remaining as disconnected enclaves. The author analyzes specific governance failures and opportunities in South Africa, Guinea, Botswana, and Tanzania, emphasizing the need for stable legal frameworks, the protection of ecological integrity, and the formalisation of artisanal mining. It concludes that leapfrogging traditional development trajectories via renewable energy and smart technology is possible if governments prioritize inclusive institutions over the interests of politically connected elites.

The statement advocates for a legally binding treaty to regulate transnational corporations, emphasizing that current frameworks like the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights are "gender-blind". It highlights how women disproportionately suffer from environmental degradation, extractive industry impacts, and gender-based violence linked to corporate security forces. The authors propose three requirements for the treaty: mandatory gendered impact assessments, gender-sensitive remedy mechanisms, and protection for women human rights defenders.

The document examines 'jurisdictional approaches' to deforestation, which align governments, businesses, and NGOs around shared conservation and sustainable development goals. Based on a workshop of practitioners from five initiatives, it identifies key success factors including political leadership, participatory design, and sustainable financing. It highlights the challenge of aligning short-term corporate and government expectations with the long-term systemic change required for landscape-scale forest loss reduction.

The paper positions gender equality as a cornerstone of the green economy, asserting that without it, sustainable development and poverty eradication cannot be achieved. It defines a green economy as one that is low carbon, resource efficient, and socially inclusive, and argues that existing gender disparities in economic, political, legal, and environmental spheres must be addressed to prevent the 'brown economy's' inequalities from persisting. The author proposes gender mainstreaming and women's empowerment as key strategies to ensure women are active agents of change rather than marginalized victims. However, the paper warns that without gender-responsive policies and budgeting, the transition to green jobs—estimated at 15–60 million globally—may fail to benefit women, particularly in developing countries where they are often trapped in informal, low-wage agricultural work.

Friends of the Earth International condemns the long detention of Hiroji Yamashiro and other anti-US military base protesters in Okinawa, Japan. The organization argues that the Japanese government's forced construction of military facilities leads to environmental degradation and human rights violations.

The document outlines a three-phase framework for governments to manage artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM). Phase 1 focuses on preparation, including forming a working group, establishing stakeholder consultation forums, and conducting context analysis. Phase 2 details the creation of a national ASM vision and the development of tailored management strategies based on the type of mining operation, utilizing both economic and impact-based approaches. Phase 3 covers the practical implementation, including legislative updates, the establishment of ASM zones, and the creation of monitoring and evaluation systems. The guide emphasizes the integration of informal ASM into legal and economic systems while reducing social and environmental harms.

The Mistra Geopolitics programme, running from 2017 to 2020, is an interdisciplinary research effort involving six Swedish core partners and international institutes. It aims to help Sweden navigate geopolitical insecurity and leverage innovation to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda. The programme is organized into five work packages: WP1 focuses on the frame of geopolitics and security in the Anthropocene; WP2 analyzes transnational impacts on Sweden including trade and migration; WP3 examines global governance responses to environmental security risks; WP4 explores the link between geopolitical landscapes and the SDGs; and WP5 integrates these findings through a co-creation process and foresight scenarios to strengthen Swedish competitiveness.

The document analyzes how ecological challenges, such as severe droughts and storms, exacerbate social instability and violent conflict in Mindanao, Philippines. It highlights the displacement of millions due to both climate events and conflict, which creates opportunities for terrorist groups like ISIS to establish footholds. The text emphasizes the geostrategic importance of the region to the United States and recommends that U.S. policy support water-related programs and collaborative governance to build climate resilience and promote peace.

The report examines the use of community protocols in four countries to address the impacts of extractive industries. It finds that while the processes are time-consuming and context-dependent, they can empower communities through legal training, the formation of advocacy groups, and the creation of frameworks for free, prior and informed consent (FPIC). The report highlights that early engagement is generally more effective, though protocols can still yield results during active mining operations, as seen in Zimbabwe. Key challenges include internal community conflicts, power imbalances with corporations, and the need for strong local partnerships to ensure community ownership.

The document examines how fragile states—characterized by poverty and weak institutions—are prone to recurring armed conflict. It describes a 'conflict trap' where low development leads to war, and war further degrades GDP and public services. The authors argue that the international community can break this cycle during peace settlements by deploying robust peacekeeping operations to solve 'commitment problems' and by ensuring peace agreements are inclusive of women and civil society rather than relying solely on elite bargains.