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The 2011 Ugandan elections resulted in a fourth term for President Yoweri Museveni, who secured 68.38% of the vote. While some regional observers deemed the process free and fair, international bodies like the EU and AU cited widespread irregularities, including voter bribery, ballot stuffing, and intimidation. The report highlights significant internal tensions, such as the conflict with the Buganda kingdom and the potential for resource-based conflict following oil discoveries in Buliisa and Amaru districts. Regionally, Museveni's victory maintains his influence in the East African Community and his commitment to an East African Federation, despite ongoing security threats from Al-Shabaab and allegations of interference in the DRC.

The author critiques South Africa's proposed industrial strategy, which relies on state subsidies, selective import barriers, and 'infant industry' protection. Drawing on examples from East Asia, the paper argues that such policies often fail and that sustainable growth in the 21st century requires integrating into global production chains, attracting foreign investment, and improving basic infrastructure and education rather than relying on government intervention to 'pick winners'.

The document analyzes China's 'exceptionalism' in Africa, a policy framework based on the 1955 Bandung conference principles of sovereignty, non-interference, and mutual benefit. While this approach seeks to differentiate China from Western powers by emphasizing political equality and a non-donor-recipient model, the author identifies three primary challenges to its sustainability: the tension between non-interference and the protection of economic interests, the gap between nominal sovereign equality and actual power asymmetry, and the lack of central government control over autonomous sub-state and private actors.

The research argues that within-country income inequality is driven more by socio-political institutions and state ideology than by economic development or market forces. By integrating Chakravorty's qualitative model of state regimes (extractive, redistributive, and reinvestment) with the quantitative Selectorate theory, the author develops a model where the size of the 'winning coalition' and the bias toward redistribution versus reinvestment serve as primary predictors of the Gini coefficient. Empirical testing using data from 1970-1990 shows that the size of the winning coalition is a strongly significant predictor of inequality, while GDP per capita is not. The paper applies this model to 104 countries across three stylized 50-year global convergence scenarios, finding that redistributive regimes yield the lowest inequality and extractive regimes the highest.

Heather Creech, representing the IISD at the 2009 Internet Governance Forum, supports the renewal of the IGF's mandate for another five years but argues that the forum has been insufficiently inclusive. She specifically highlights the lack of representation for civil society concerns regarding the environment, social development, and economic development, urging that any mandate renewal include a directive to broaden stakeholder engagement.

The report argues that current greenhouse gas emission reduction targets are insufficient to prevent devastating climate impacts and self-amplifying warming. It asserts that to maintain a 75% chance of staying below 2°C, global emissions must decline rapidly after 2015 and reach essentially zero by midcentury, a goal it claims is technically feasible and economically affordable.

The document examines the 'balancing act' required by national decision makers to address current socio-economic challenges while preparing for future climate impacts. It highlights that waiting for certainty before acting may lead to missed opportunities for risk management, especially in vulnerable nations where long-term climate risks threaten the achievement of development goals. The text provides illustrative dilemmas, such as managing sea level rise in coastal areas and rainfall uncertainty in the Sahel, to prompt further discussion on interventions, economic incentives, and public engagement strategies for long-term planning.

The research paper argues that good governance is a prerequisite for economic development and that African universities are essential for producing competent governors. However, it finds that these institutions are plagued by declining resources, outdated curricula, and political interference. The author suggests a shift toward regional cooperation, distance learning, and the adoption of an 'African agenda' to overcome national resource constraints and improve the relevance of governance education.

The document discusses the emergence of 'alternative regionalism' in Southeast Asia, driven by civil society actors seeking a bottom-up approach to regional governance. It notes that while ASEAN has historically engaged with limited academic and economic actors, there is a growing demand from NGOs and community-based organisations to participate in decisions affecting the region's 550 million people, particularly regarding human rights and economic development.

The document examines the tension between protecting innovators through temporary monopolies and ensuring societal welfare, particularly in developing nations. It analyzes the application of patents, copyrights, trademarks, and geographical indications across sectors like pharmaceuticals and ICT, and critiques the TRIPS Agreement and 'TRIPS-plus' bilateral agreements for potentially biasing commercial interests over development needs. The author argues that the impact of IPRs depends on a country's existing 'absorptive capabilities' and suggests that many successful developing economies grew during periods of weak IP protection.

The Northern Entrepreneurship Workshop, held in March 2009, brought together entrepreneurs, academics, and leaders to define the unique nature of northern entrepreneurship and design a relevant educational program. The workshop identified specific regional barriers, such as high labor turnover and competition with the public sector, as well as advantages like limited competition and strong community support. The resulting framework includes a proposed curriculum with courses on northern regulations, cultural competencies, and community economic development, alongside recommendations for a 'boot camp' for youth and a circumpolar entrepreneurship network.

The paper examines the failure of structural adjustment programs and subsequent 'good governance' initiatives in Africa. It posits that the tension between formal institutional norms and informal neo-patrimonial practices—where leaders prioritize clients over the general public—has led to state decay. The author argues that for governance to be effective, it must be conceptualized locally, integrating informal realities into development plans rather than merely replicating Western models of transparency and accountability.

The document examines the failure of the private sector to drive economic growth in Sub-Saharan Africa, attributing this to the political dominance of elites who extract surplus from producers. It contrasts the vulnerability of African peasants and foreign firms with the relatively stronger private sector in South Africa. The author proposes a new form of democracy that empowers producers through land ownership and independent financial institutions to foster a genuine capitalist market economy.

The document argues that corruption in public procurement is a primary driver of poverty in Africa, potentially costing the continent $148 billion annually. It identifies a cycle where 'grande corruption' (large-scale corruption) by elites leads to national poverty, which in turn fuels 'petite corruption' (small-scale corruption) among underpaid officials. The author advocates for a comprehensive approach combining strong anti-corruption legislation, political will from top leadership, transparency in bidding processes, and the involvement of non-governmental actors to reduce corruption to marginal levels.

The report details a joint project between the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) and the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs (AMC) to develop culturally specific sustainability indicators for Winnipeg's First Nations population. Using a bottom-up approach, the project engaged the community through a series of forums to identify key issues and propose measures of well-being. The framework is based on the traditional Medicine Wheel, organizing well-being into four domains: environment, economic, social, and cultural. The report identifies critical community concerns—including housing, employment, health, and cultural identity—and recommends continuing the project to develop a future vision and improving the coordination of services and communications for urban First Nations people.

The document examines the IBSA coalition's shift from purely political goals, such as UN Security Council reform, toward tangible cooperation in renewable energy, biotechnology, and social development. While noting a 600% increase in trilateral trade to $3bn, it argues that IBSA is a complement to, rather than a replacement for, north-south trade and investment. It highlights the creation of an IBSA development fund with $1.5m in start-up capital for social projects, though it notes this fund lacks significant financial leverage.

The report identifies a disconnect between government priorities and the needs of the business sector in Africa, highlighting corruption and infrastructure failure as primary barriers to growth. Based on dialogues with 56 business organisations and five studies, it asserts that stability in Africa is dependent on prosperity, which requires improvements in property rights, the rule of law, and power reliability.

The paper examines the rapid growth of China-Africa relations, noting that while Chinese investment and debt forgiveness are welcomed, the relationship is often asymmetrical. It suggests that African leaders should adopt a pragmatic approach—inspired by Deng Xiaoping's reforms—to negotiate better terms, including technology transfer, local labour requirements, and preferential trade agreements. The author advocates for using the China-Africa Co-operation Forum to establish a formal code of conduct and a civil society forum to hold Beijing accountable for its commitments regarding human rights, arms trafficking, and fair trade.

The paper examines the challenges of doing business in Africa, noting that political instability and corruption deter investment. It highlights South Africa's position as a leading non-oil and gas investor in Africa, with firms investing an average of $1.4 billion annually since 1991. While some local businesses fear South African domination, the author argues that these investments introduce new technologies, increase consumer choice, and serve as a catalyst for broader international confidence in African markets.

The report examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), an African self-monitoring tool for governance, democracy, and human rights adopted under the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad). Based on a five-year research project by the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), the text analyzes the rules, national governance, and research processes of the APRM. It specifically focuses on the experiences of five pioneer countries—Ghana, Kenya, Rwanda, Mauritius, and South Africa—to identify the political dynamics and the role of civil society in making the process credible. The document argues that the APRM represents a 'governance revolution' in Africa, shifting from post-independence rule by decree toward accountability and transparency.