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The document outlines the 'fears and suspicions' of the climate community regarding how WTO rules and trade assumptions may obstruct progress on climate change. It argues that the trade regime's focus on economic growth and the avoidance of trade restrictions creates a 'chilling effect' on climate action, as countries fear carbon leakage and loss of competitiveness. The author explores three potential trade-related strategies for climate action: 'levelling up' through border adjustment measures or coordination, favoring environmental goods and services, and using trade sanctions. The paper concludes that while specific reforms to GATT Article XX and the most-favored-nation principle are ideally needed, indirect approaches via jurisprudence or guidelines are more politically realistic.

The document outlines the strategic priorities of the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) for the 2015 Paris climate agreement, emphasizing the need for equity, adaptation, and financial support. It details the role of Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (INDCs) and the challenges of closing the 'ambition gap' to limit global warming to 2°C. The briefing highlights the importance of the Common But Differentiated Responsibilities (CBDR) principle and the necessity of developed countries fulfilling their 100 billion USD annual climate finance pledge by 2020.

The document outlines the Pan-African Parliament's (PAP) expectations for the 2015 Paris Agreement, emphasizing the need for equity, justice, and a legally binding framework. It highlights the critical role of Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (INDCs) and the necessity of closing the ambition and finance gaps. The PAP advocates for a strong focus on adaptation, the operationalization of the 'common but differentiated responsibilities' (CBDR) principle, and the fulfillment of the $100 billion annual climate finance commitment by developed nations. It also discusses the technical challenges of the negotiations, including the legal form of the agreement and the management of loss and damage.

The document analyzes the conflict between the principle of differential treatment (CBDRRC) used in climate law and the principle of equal treatment central to international aviation law. It argues that a 'contextual treatment' approach—which differentiates based on changing national circumstances and implementation assistance—is more viable for regulating aviation emissions than the rigid binary divisions of the Kyoto Protocol. The brief notes a shift toward this approach within the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) and the European Union (EU), suggesting that such flexibility is key to establishing a global market-based emissions reduction mechanism.

The report utilizes the Climate Equity Reference Calculator to determine national 'fair shares' of global mitigation efforts based on the UNFCCC principles of responsibility and capacity. It argues that for wealthy, high-emitting countries, fair shares often exceed domestic mitigation potential, necessitating the provision of international support. Conversely, for poorer countries, domestic potential exceeds their fair share, requiring international support to unlock further reductions. The analysis uses three ambition pathways (Strong 2°C, Weak 2°C, and G8) and an 'equity band' (Low, Medium, and High settings) to assess national contributions, concluding that current pledges, such as the EU's 40% target, are generally inconsistent with 2°C goals unless supplemented by significant international support.

The author contends that Africa's future depends on the intersection of its youth demographics and climate change, asserting that the impacts of climate change threaten to undermine the 'demographic dividend' by devastating the agriculture sector, which is a primary source of employment for young Africans. The text calls for a global climate agreement based on distributive justice and equity, specifically demanding increased funding for climate change adaptation and the transfer of technology for climate-smart agriculture.

The research evaluates policy options to reach a 450 PPM CO2 concentration target by 2050, focusing on the period up to 2035. Using the GDynE model, the authors compare domestic carbon taxes and international emission trading (IET) against scenarios where the Green Climate Fund (GCF) is used for welfare redistribution, energy efficiency, or renewable energy. The findings indicate that while abatement costs are generally detrimental to the growth of developing countries, a GCF financed by an 8% levy on developed countries' carbon tax revenues can mitigate these losses. Specifically, investing GCF resources into energy efficiency in developing countries provides the most significant global benefit, potentially resulting in a net gain for developing economies and reducing the overall cost of meeting climate targets for all parties.

The report explores diverse strategies to advance international climate policy, including the adoption of a 'green growth' narrative, the application of social psychology to fairness and equity, and the use of 'clubs' or public-private technology pools to bypass traditional negotiation impasses. It specifically examines the legal interpretation of 'common but differentiated responsibilities' (CBDR), the potential of green bonds to mobilize private finance, and the 'Quisqueya Platform' for creating synergies between mitigation and adaptation in developing countries.

The document explores diverse strategies to advance international climate policy, including the adoption of a 'green growth' narrative, the application of social psychology to fairness and equity disputes, and the use of 'clubs' or public-private technology pools to bypass traditional negotiation impasses. It specifically examines the legal interpretation of 'common but differentiated responsibilities' (CBDR), the potential of green bonds to mobilize private finance, and the 'Quisqueya Platform' for creating synergies between mitigation and adaptation in developing countries.

The document examines the types of mitigation commitments, equity principles, and procedural pathways for a new climate agreement, specifically focusing on how the LDC Group can influence negotiations to ensure a warming limit of 1.5°C.

The document proposes a framework for determining 'fair shares' of global mitigation based on national capacity and responsibility. Using the Climate Equity Reference Calculator, it analyzes the United States, China, the EU-28, and India, finding that wealthy, high-emitting nations often have fair shares exceeding their domestic mitigation potential, necessitating international support for others. It concludes that current pledges, such as the EU's 40% target, fall significantly short of what would be required for a 2°C pathway if matched by comparable global efforts.

The document outlines the mechanics of consensus-building within the UNFCCC, emphasizing the human element of negotiations. It provides guidance for negotiators on knowing their national 'red lines', mastering technical substance, and building trust through transparency. It also highlights the challenges faced by new negotiators, such as complex schedules and technical jargon, and suggests capacity-building measures like mentoring and the use of external policy briefs to facilitate smoother international cooperation.

The author contends that soil carbon markets are financially and technically unviable due to low carbon prices, measurement challenges, and the high cost of implementation. The text argues that pushing for emission reductions in agriculture burdens small farmers in India, Africa, and Latin America, potentially leading to the takeover of agricultural operations by non-farmers. It advocates for agro-ecological approaches and financial support for adaptation over market-based mitigation burdens.

The document critiques the International Civil Aviation Organization's (ICAO) progress toward a market-based measure (MBM) for international aviation emissions. It argues that the industry's preference for 100% offsetting fails to incentivize actual emission reductions within the sector and warns that low-quality offsets could exacerbate climate impacts. The author advocates for a cap-and-trade scheme with a stringent cap and strict quality restrictions on eligible offset credits to ensure environmental integrity.

The COP18 summit in Doha resulted in incremental progress, primarily the agreement of a second commitment period for the Kyoto Protocol (KP2) from 2013 to 2020. While the EU and several other nations committed to an average emission reduction of 18% below 1990 levels, major emitters including the US, China, Russia, Japan, Canada, and New Zealand did not approve or opposed the commitment. The summit failed to establish a concrete roadmap for the $100 billion annual climate finance target for 2020, though it introduced a new agreement to establish an international mechanism for "loss and damage" by COP19. The document highlights ongoing tensions regarding the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC) and the dispute over "hot air" carbon credits, particularly involving Poland and the EU.

The document explains the mechanics of consensus in the UNFCCC, where agreement is defined as the "absence of any formal objection." It provides practical guidance for negotiators to build trust, understand national and substantive issues, and balance ambition with compromise. Additionally, it outlines the structural components of the UNFCCC, including the Conference of the Parties (COP), subsidiary bodies, and various negotiating blocs such as the G77&China and the European Union.

The report examines the potential for reducing global GHG emissions by relocating production of carbon-intensive goods to regions with lower emissions intensities. It finds significant variation in GHG intensity across countries for products like clothing and steel, suggesting that shifting production could yield benefits that outweigh increased transport emissions. A case study on steel identifies the Americas as well-positioned for low-GHG production due to biomass and natural gas availability. The report also evaluates trade policies, noting that while border carbon adjustments and preferential tariffs are options, they face significant legal, political, and administrative hurdles, particularly regarding WTO compatibility and the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities.

The document argues that South Africa's inclusion in the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) is justified by its influence in shaping the global economic agenda rather than just its GDP. It highlights how the BRICS, and specifically the BASIC group (Brazil, South Africa, India, and China), have challenged the dominance of advanced economies in the WTO and UNFCCC. The author notes the group's role in promoting South-South cooperation, increasing trade and investment with low-income countries, and pushing for reforms in the IMF and other Bretton Woods Institutions to better reflect current global economic realities.

The author contends that industrialised governments at Rio+20 have avoided reaffirming key 1992 Rio principles, specifically 'common but differentiated responsibility' and the 'precautionary principle'. The text further rejects the 'Green Economy' framework, arguing that it prioritizes economic mechanisms and monetary valuation over democratic participation and risks turning nature into a subject of financial speculation.

The document analyzes the first official recognition of agriculture by the UNFCCC at COP 17 in Durban. It reviews submissions from 21 parties to the SBSTA, highlighting a tension between developed countries' focus on scientific mitigation and developing countries' priority on adaptation and food security. The briefing argues that agriculture requires a unique approach to emission reductions—potentially based on efficiency per unit of production—due to the necessity of increasing food supplies for a growing global population. It identifies key points of divergence, including trade implications and the role of smallholder farmers, while suggesting areas of consensus such as the link between agriculture and food security.