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The report argues that climate policy is often contested because it creates winners and losers, necessitating a strategic communication and policy plan. The proposed five-point plan includes: simplifying the narrative through relatable examples and imagery; creating a positive message focused on the transformational benefits of a low-carbon transition; designing policy packages that compensate 'losers' (such as through payments for ecosystem services); building broad, long-term political consensus to avoid policy reversals; and maintaining a relentless focus on implementation. The author emphasizes 'climate compatible development,' where mitigation, adaptation, and development goals are integrated to ensure climate action does not hinder poverty eradication.

The author argues that climate policy is inherently contested because it creates winners and losers, necessitating a strategic approach to communication and implementation. The proposed plan includes simplifying the climate narrative through personal and emotional storytelling, framing action as a transformational economic opportunity (green growth), designing policy packages that compensate those negatively impacted, building cross-party long-term consensus to avoid policy reversals, and focusing on rigorous implementation. The text highlights various international examples, such as Rwanda's green growth strategy and Bolivia's payments for ecosystem services, to illustrate how climate action can be integrated with development goals.

The document analyzes the political conflict surrounding the EU's attempt to regulate international aviation emissions via the EU-ETS, arguing that resistance from other nations is driven by political realism rather than policy design. It concludes that a global market-based mechanism through ICAO is unlikely in the near term and warns that retreating from its sovereign right to regulate its own airspace could undermine the EU's credibility and vulnerability in other extraterritorial regulatory areas.

The report details the extent to which Americans are willing to participate in campaigns, petitions, and voting pledges to address global warming, as well as their use of consumer activism to reward or punish companies based on their climate actions.

The document discusses the introduction of pilot greenhouse gas emission trading schemes (ETS) in China, noting that the shift toward market-based allocation of emission rights signals a serious commitment to addressing climate change and a desire for parity with progressive regions in Europe and North America. However, the authors maintain that the transition toward market-driven energy and environmental policies is still in its early stages.

The report identifies China as highly vulnerable to palm oil supply disruptions due to its 98% import dependence and the concentration of production in Malaysia and Indonesia. It highlights critical sustainability risks, particularly deforestation, biodiversity loss, and greenhouse gas emissions, which pose both reputational risks to enterprises and systemic risks to national supply security. The document recommends five policy steps for the Chinese government, including building embassy capabilities, engaging with international standards, exploring fiscal incentives, implementing green public procurement, and integrating supply chain risk into corporate social responsibility guidelines.

The report analyzes China's high vulnerability in its palm oil supply chain, which is heavily concentrated in Indonesia and Malaysia. It identifies critical sustainability risks, including deforestation, greenhouse gas emissions, and human rights abuses, and suggests that while these may not immediately disrupt supply, they pose significant reputational risks for Chinese brands and long-term security risks. The document proposes five policy interventions, including capacity building for embassies and alignment with international sustainability standards like the RSPO.

The report argues that sustainability issues—such as pollution, biodiversity loss, and social conflict—in supplier countries create strategic risks for China's security of supply. It introduces a methodology to identify 'hot spots' by analyzing demand-side vulnerability and supply-side hazards. Through pilot studies on copper and palm oil, the report demonstrates that while China is highly vulnerable to supply disruptions in these sectors, it lacks a coordinated national strategy to manage these risks. The authors recommend that the Chinese government build the capacity of its embassies, engage more deeply with international sustainability standards, explore fiscal incentives for sustainable sourcing, and integrate supply chain sustainability into green public procurement and national planning.

The report introduces the IISD Supply Risk Tool, a methodology designed to identify 'hotspots' where sustainability issues—such as environmental degradation, human rights abuses, and governance failures—intersect with supply security risks for China. Through pilot studies on copper and palm oil, the report demonstrates how these risks manifest at both micro (corporate) and macro (national) levels. For copper, the report highlights high economic importance and vulnerability, with significant risks from resource nationalism and energy-intensive production. For palm oil, it emphasizes high risks related to deforestation, biodiversity loss, and political instability in Indonesia and Malaysia. The document concludes that China lacks a comprehensive national strategy for managing these systemic risks and recommends five policy steps: enhancing the capacity of embassies and consulates, increasing participation in international sustainability standards, researching financial incentives for sustainable procurement, integrating sustainability into green public procurement, and incorporating supply chain risk indicators into corporate social responsibility (CSR) guidelines.

Carbon Market Watch advocates for a domestic greenhouse gas reduction target of at least 55% by 2030 for Europe. The briefing argues that international offsetting is a 'major policy failure' that undermines domestic abatement and calls for the expiration of the estimated 2 billion surplus allowances and offsets accumulated up to 2020. It further recommends increasing the 'linear reduction factor' for permits in the EU ETS and implementing strict safeguards for any future linking with external carbon markets to prevent the import of substandard credits.

The report analyzes 1,824 public responses to a 2013 CDP questionnaire to reveal that many companies fail to disclose their influence on climate policy through trade associations. It finds that companies often hold climate positions inconsistent with the associations they fund or lead, yet struggle to influence those groups' agendas. The authors argue that current U.S. laws allow corporations to obstruct climate action without accountability and call for the SEC to mandate the disclosure of both direct and indirect political activities.

The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) analyzed responses from 1,824 companies to a 2013 CDP climate-reporting questionnaire to determine if companies disclosed their board seats in four influential U.S. trade associations: the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM), the U.S. Chamber of Commerce (COC), the American Petroleum Institute (API), and the Edison Electric Institute (EEI). The analysis found low rates of disclosure across these groups, with many companies failing to acknowledge their board positions even when publicly responding to the questionnaire.

A 2014 statewide survey of Maryland residents reveals that 77% believe climate change is happening, with 55% viewing a particularly cold winter as evidence of this trend. While there is strong support for state-level energy efficiency and renewable energy policies, there is significant division regarding whether human activities are the primary cause of climate change. Trust in climate information is highest among university scientists, public health experts, and specific state agencies, while trust is lowest for the Governor's office and utility companies. Awareness of specific state climate policies has declined since 2013.

The report finds that while Democrats are most likely to believe in human-caused global warming and support climate policies, liberal and moderate Republicans often align with the mainstream public, whereas conservative Republicans hold distinctly different views. A majority of registered voters support increasing energy efficiency and renewable energy to reduce fossil fuel dependence, and most are more likely to vote for candidates who support climate action than those who oppose it. However, there is a widespread belief across the political spectrum that individual citizens have relatively little influence on government decisions compared to large campaign contributors and fossil fuel companies.

The document outlines the foundational elements and strategic considerations for jurisdictions designing mandatory GHG reporting systems. It emphasizes that while design must be context-specific, success depends on a sound legal basis, stakeholder engagement, and sufficient institutional capacity. The paper advocates for a phased approach in developing countries and highlights how these programs can inform mitigation policies and track progress toward national targets by leveraging corporate emissions data.

The research argues that existing assessments of the Keystone XL pipeline overlook the 'price effect,' where increased oil supply lowers global prices and induces higher consumption. Using a supply-and-demand model, the authors find that if the pipeline enables production that would not otherwise reach the market, it could increase global GHG emissions by up to 93 million tCO2e per year by 2020. This impact is significantly higher than the emissions resulting solely from the higher carbon intensity of oil sands compared to other crudes.

The report finds that while global warming is not a top national priority for most Americans, there is broad support for specific clean energy policies, such as renewable energy research and tax rebates for energy-efficient vehicles. However, confidence in government's ability to address the issue remains low, and significant polarization exists between political parties and different psychological segments of the population.

The document details a policy dialogue session aimed at transitioning Manitoba to a green economy. It identifies four priority sectors—water, energy, the built environment, and transportation—and outlines specific barriers and policy tools needed to foster sustainable economic growth. Key recommendations include the use of renewable energy performance standards, green procurement, and specialized workforce training, while emphasizing the need for a coherent vision and the inclusion of diverse stakeholders, including Northern and aboriginal communities.

The report finds that while a majority of Texans (70%) believe global warming is occurring, fewer than half (44%) attribute it primarily to human activities. There is high consensus among those who believe in global warming regarding future negative impacts in Texas, specifically heat waves (95%) and water shortages (92%). Additionally, a majority of respondents believe that government officials, citizens, and corporations should all do more to address the issue.

Carbon Market Watch argues that the EU's Effort Sharing Decision (ESD) must be reformed for the 2030 period to ensure a legally binding, economy-wide greenhouse gas target. The organization contends that current targets are too low and that the reliance on international offsets hampers domestic action. It suggests that non-ETS sectors—including transport, buildings, agriculture, and waste—possess significant cost-effective mitigation potential that could help the EU exceed an overall 2030 GHG target of 40%.