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The Canadian Climate Institute argues that Canada is currently off track to meet its 2026 and 2030 emissions targets. To make the upcoming federal progress report useful, the Institute recommends providing detailed policy implementation updates, using rigorous and recent emissions projections based on actual policy rather than backcasting, offering a substantive assessment of additional measures to close the emissions gap, and introducing new progress indicators beyond simple emissions reductions.

The Climate Action Tracker reports that global warming projections have remained stagnant at 2.6°C for four consecutive years due to a lack of ambitious 2030 and 2035 climate targets. While the Paris Agreement has helped reduce projected warming from 3.6°C in 2015 to 2.6°C today, and renewable energy surpassed coal in electricity generation in 2025, continued fossil fuel expansion and policy rollbacks in the United States threaten to offset these gains. The gap between current targets and the 1.5°C pathway is expected to increase to 31 GtCO₂e by 2035.

The document is an open letter from Climate Action Against Disinformation (CAAD) and a coalition of 203 organizations and 202 experts. It argues that coordinated disinformation campaigns, primarily funded by the fossil fuel industry, are delaying the energy transition and sabotaging the Paris Agreement goals. The authors call on COP30 participants to move beyond the mere recognition of this threat to mandatory, verifiable actions that hold technology platforms, media, and the advertising sector accountable for the spread of manipulative content.

The report finds that while total emissions from 25 major emitters may peak by 2026, current policies are insufficient to meet the Paris Agreement's 1.5°C goal. Fifteen countries are likely on track to meet their 2030 unconditional NDC targets, while nine are off track, including the US, UK, and Japan. Projections for the US have worsened due to policy rollbacks, and eight countries are already projected to miss their 2035 unconditional NDC targets.

The document examines how four countries—Germany, the UK, Japan, and Australia—successfully reduced waste sector methane emissions through a combination of legislation, market-based tools, public education, and voluntary agreements. It highlights a general trend of diverting waste from landfills toward recycling, composting, and incineration, while noting that high-income countries in Europe, Asia, and Oceania have seen the most significant progress.

While global renewable energy additions continue to break records, primarily driven by solar and China, current forecasts suggest a tripling by 2030 is not guaranteed without increased government ambition and implementation. The document highlights a misalignment between rapid deployment and national targets, which risks underinvestment in critical enabling systems such as grids, storage, and flexibility. It specifically emphasizes the need to scale up wind energy through supply chain unlocking and stable policy mechanisms, while urging parallel investment in infrastructure to prevent solar curtailment and bottlenecks.

National renewable energy targets for 2030 have increased by only 8% since COP28, rising from 7,238 GW to 7,793 GW. This trajectory aligns with a doubling of capacity rather than the tripling goal. While solar deployment is outstripping political ambition—with national targets at 3,110 GW despite forecasts exceeding 5,700 GW—wind targets and forecasts are more aligned but both remain below the 2,742 GW required for a global tripling.

The authors propose a new paradigm of "strategic resilience" to help governments navigate polycrises and transboundary climate risks. This approach emphasizes building the capacity to recover from complex shocks while pursuing strategic national objectives, suggesting a "third way" that avoids both strictly territorial adaptation and the securitization of adaptation driven by defense logics. The authors argue for new governance structures or institutions capable of orchestrating national coordination and steering finance and policy.

The report analyzes methane abatement policies across various jurisdictions, including the US, Canada, EU, Mexico, Nigeria, Colombia, and Norway, while detailing technical requirements for controlling emissions from equipment such as pneumatic controllers, pumps, and storage tanks.

The report examines the role of social media platforms in spreading climate disinformation, highlighting how algorithmic systems and revenue-sharing models incentivise misleading content. It specifically assesses the compliance of Very Large Online Platforms (VLOPs) with the EU Digital Services Act (DSA), concluding that most have failed to identify or mitigate climate disinformation as a systemic risk.

The document argues that civic space in the EU is narrowing due to restrictive laws, exclusion from decision-making, and the criminalisation of peaceful activism. It highlights specific threats such as SLAPPs, funding cuts to the LIFE programme, and national laws in France, Hungary, Poland, and Italy that curtail CSO operations. ClientEarth calls for a pro-CSO narrative, transparent access to decision-making, and stable long-term financial support to safeguard environmental democracy.

Plan 1.5 argues that the South Korean government's current 2035 NDC consultation process is biased toward industrial interests and excludes marginalized groups. The organization highlights that approximately 95% of online public submissions demand a 65% reduction target aligned with the 1.5°C goal, while criticizing the 50% range as unconstitutional and insufficient.

The document outlines a strategic transition to zero-emission trucks (ZETs) at India's 12 Major Ports, supporting the Harit Sagar guidelines' goal of 50% electric port equipment and vehicles by 2030. It proposes a phased implementation strategy: near-term actions focus on demand aggregation, targeted incentives, favorable electricity rates, and technical capacity building; medium- and long-term actions focus on institutionalizing ZET requirements in contracts and upgrading power infrastructure for scaled deployment.

The document argues that social acceptance is a critical bottleneck for CCS deployment in Poland, where public awareness is low and skepticism is high. It highlights the risk of 'NIMBY' (Not In My Back Yard) and 'WIMBY' (Why In My Backyard?) attitudes, drawing parallels to the historical failure of onshore wind development in Poland. Through international case studies from Japan, Norway, and Australia, the brief demonstrates that transparency, early engagement, and tangible local benefits are essential for securing a 'social licence to operate.' It recommends that the Polish government implement mandatory early community engagement, public data sharing, and benefit-sharing mechanisms to ensure the technology is accepted as a tool for industrial decarbonisation and job retention.

The document is an open letter to President Emmanuel Macron from a coalition of climate and human rights organizations. The authors warn that the 'Omnibus I' proposal in the European Parliament is undermining the European due diligence directive. They highlight a conflicting letter sent to the President by 46 companies, including TotalEnergies and Siemens AG, which called for the 'abrogation' of the CSDDD. The signatories argue that France, as a pioneer of corporate duty of vigilance and a signatory of the Paris Agreement, must ensure multinationals are required to identify, prevent, and remedy social, environmental, and climate impacts. They further claim that deregulation efforts are influenced by US interests, specifically ExxonMobil and President Trump, and align with the agenda of the French far-right.

The study integrates digital transformation projections into the Shared Socioeconomic Pathways (SSP) framework using statistical models calibrated from 62 countries. It highlights the risk of a persistent digital divide and provides a methodology for quantifying the impact of digitalization on climate goals and sustainable development.

The statement contends that the European Union Deforestation Regulation (EUDR) should be implemented without further delay, as major cocoa companies and governments in Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana have already invested heavily in traceability and farmer mapping. It warns that postponing the law would undermine the investments of early adopters, jeopardize forest preservation, and damage the EU's credibility as a global climate leader.

A coalition of organisations and individuals is calling on the UK government to establish enforceable methane regulations for domestic and imported fossil fuels. The signatories argue that current underregulation undermines the UK's commitment to the Global Methane Pledge and risks economic misalignment with the EU Methane Regulation, which will require importers to meet specific performance standards. They propose using the Clean Air Task Force's UK Regulatory Roadmap as a practical framework to reduce emissions and maintain climate credibility ahead of COP30.

The analysis argues that Canadian industrial carbon markets are inefficient due to overly generous performance standards, inconsistent application of rules, restrictions on credit use, the exclusion of smaller emitters, and the use of revenues to offset price signals. These factors lead to credit oversupply and price crashes, particularly in Alberta, British Columbia, and Ontario, reducing the incentive for industries to decarbonize.

A national survey conducted by Nanos for the Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment in October 2025 found that 65.4% of Canadians view climate change as an important priority for the government. The report highlights strong support for methane regulation (64.5%) and a high sense of urgency (75.2%) regarding government action to reduce health risks associated with climate change, such as wildfires and heat waves. These sentiments are significantly more pronounced among 'progressive' voters and those who would consider voting for both the Liberal and NDP parties.