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The document argues that media coverage of COP events often focuses disproportionately on failure and inefficiency while ignoring the influence of fossil fuel lobbies, the role of NGOs, and the historical tensions between developed and developing nations. It outlines the key objectives of COP 28, including the first global climate action stocktake and the operationalization of the loss and damage fund, and counters myths regarding the utility of COPs and the role of technological innovation in solving the climate crisis.

The briefing highlights the lack of a widely agreed-upon definition for 'unabated fossil fuels' despite the term's centrality in G7, G20, and UN climate negotiations. It warns that ambiguous definitions may allow for low carbon capture rates and the exclusion of upstream emissions, potentially stalling climate progress. The author proposes a science-based definition requiring near-total carbon capture (90-95%), permanent geological storage, near-total elimination of upstream and transport emissions, and rigorous third-party verification.

The Hindu Kush Himalaya (HKH) region, spanning from Afghanistan to Myanmar, faces severe threats from cascading climate risks that propagate across national borders. The brief asserts that local and national adaptation efforts are insufficient and proposes a regional cooperation mechanism involving state and non-state actors. This mechanism would aim to reduce the costs of climate action, overcome resource constraints, and enhance climate diplomacy through four priority areas: research and knowledge exchange, governance and policy support, diplomacy and coalition building, and implementation and finance.

The text highlights the tension in international climate talks regarding the responsibility of high-income countries (HICs) to fund climate actions in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). It warns that without a resourced 'rescue plan' addressing mitigation, adaptation, and loss and damage, climate negotiations will continue to fail, potentially leading to increased global emissions and deteriorating quality of life.

The European Climate Neutrality Observatory (ECNO) finds that while the EU is generally moving in the right direction toward its 2050 climate neutrality goal, the pace of change is too slow across most sectors. Governance is the only building block currently assessed as 'on track', while finance and carbon dioxide removals are moving in the 'wrong direction'. Significant gaps exist in the agricultural sector, where policies have supported intensive animal agriculture, and in external action, where the EU's 'climate bank' continues to finance fossil fuels abroad.

The text addresses the controversy within the UN Security Council over the inclusion of climate change on its agenda, noting that while many members support it, others like Russia, India, and China oppose or abstain. It proposes using the IPCC Sixth Assessment Report (AR6) to provide a scientific basis for the claim that climate change poses a risk to peace and security.

The EU aims to mainstream climate into all foreign policy channels via the European Green Deal, but faces challenges in translating announcements into action. The report recommends that the EU solidify its credibility by avoiding misaligned gas infrastructure investments, institutionalising climate mainstreaming across all foreign policy decision-making, shifting from a technical to a geopolitical approach to climate diplomacy, and strengthening the 'Team Europe' approach to improve coordination between EU institutions and Member States.

The authors contend that the UNFCCC process must tackle global power dynamics and colonial legacies to become more resilient. They highlight how the Covid-19 pandemic exacerbated existing inequities, creating barriers to participation for Global South representatives and increasing the power imbalance between the Global North and Global South, which in turn eroded trust due to vaccine inequality and unmet climate finance targets.

The document argues that the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated existing inequities in the UNFCCC process, particularly for Global South negotiators and civil society organizations. It highlights how travel restrictions, vaccine inequality, and the digital divide hindered participation and coordination, while broader geopolitical power dynamics and aid dependencies allowed Global North countries to maintain disproportionate influence over negotiation outcomes. The authors recommend short-term funding and logistical reforms, long-term institutional changes such as capping delegation sizes and shifting COP venues to the Global South, and a broader effort to decolonize research and build allyship to shift global power dynamics.

The NewClimate Institute criticizes the German government for contradictions between its climate ambitions and its foreign policy actions, specifically citing the support for gas exploration in Senegal and insufficient climate finance. It urges the implementation of a cross-departmental foreign policy strategy in 2023 to ensure consistency across all ministries, including those led by the FDP, and recommends independent monitoring of progress.

The executive summary evaluates the 'traffic light' government's efforts to mainstream climate as a crosscutting theme in German domestic and international work. It identifies a need for greater coherence among government agencies, the development of a comprehensive foreign climate policy strategy, and the institutionalization of coordination structures to ensure long-term consistency. Key suggestions include the creation of a climate cabinet, the transformation of diplomatic missions into 'climate embassies', and the implementation of third-party scrutiny to ensure compliance with international pledges.

The Stockholm Environment Institute advocates for a shift in global climate diplomacy, moving away from 'us vs them' dynamics between developed and developing nations toward coalitions based on shared interdependence. Drawing on analysis of climate risk exposure, responsibility, and financial capacity, the author suggests that wealthy, high-emitting countries and vulnerable nations share a mutual self-interest in managing cross-border risks. The document highlights a new partnership with the EU and the role of the Glasgow–Sharm el-Sheikh Work Programme on the Global Goal on Adaptation in driving this transition.

The report examines the drivers of recent coups in West Africa and the need for the AU to strengthen normative frameworks against unconstitutional changes of government. It assesses the shift in EU financing from the Africa Peace Facility (APF) to the European Peace Facility (EPF), warning that this may increase European militarism and reduce AU leadership in peace operations. Additionally, it evaluates the transition from AMISOM to ATMIS in Somalia and the potential for joint AU-UN mediation to resolve the political stalemate in Sudan.

The document argues that climate change acts as a 'threat multiplier' in Africa, where risks are amplified by existing governance deficits and poor development. It emphasizes that while climate-driven scarcity can fuel conflict, causality is complex and depends on political and historical contexts. The authors advocate for integrating climate action into the broader development agenda, transitioning from a narrative of vulnerability to one of economic opportunity through renewable energy and climate-resilient infrastructure. Key recommendations include strengthening the evidence base for climate security, increasing climate finance flows, and expanding climate diplomacy beyond the UNFCCC to platforms like the G20 and the African Continental Free Trade Area Agreement.

The document outlines a framework for South African climate diplomacy, emphasizing the need to move beyond the UNFCCC to engage with the G7, G20, WTO, and IMF. It argues that the current global climate finance architecture is unfit for the needs of emerging economies, particularly regarding coal phase-outs and adaptation. The authors recommend a whole-of-government approach to secure 'package deals' that link higher emission reduction targets to concrete financial support, debt relief, and intellectual property waivers for green technology.

The document examines the opportunities and barriers to moving UNFCCC climate negotiations online. While digital tools could disrupt outdated and opaque practices, the transition is hindered by a lack of trust among Parties and concerns that virtual formats might exacerbate structural inequities or reduce transparency for media and NGOs. The author recommends the creation of a taskforce to design future session formats and calls for leadership from the UN Secretary-General and the UNFCCC Secretariat to modernize multilateral diplomacy.

The report explores the potential for a digital transition of the UNFCCC process, finding broad stakeholder support for moving technical and preparatory activities online, while highlighting significant concerns regarding power imbalances, the digital divide, and the loss of informal relationship-building essential for political consensus.

The guide outlines strategies for maximizing productivity at a COP, including how to use different access passes, the importance of daily planning across overlapping agendas, and techniques for professional networking. It emphasizes the value of attending negotiations as an observer to track national delegations and suggests practical tips such as wearing comfortable shoes and using digital business cards.

The policy brief outlines a framework for cooperation between the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU) to leverage green transitions for sustainable growth and climate resilience. It identifies six key areas for action: energy transitions, the circular economy, trade, agricultural adaptation, climate diplomacy, and financial instruments. The authors emphasize that while the EU aims for carbon neutrality by 2050, African priorities focus on poverty reduction and adaptation. The brief recommends that the EU avoid creating new trade barriers, such as carbon border taxes for Least Developed Countries (LDCs), and instead invest in green infrastructure, sustainable waste management, and grant-based adaptation funding to ensure a socially inclusive transition.

The document describes COP Pavilions as spaces for Parties and observer organisations to host events, showcase research, and network. It details the types of activities held there, how attendees find events, and the application process for COP26.