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The policy brief examines the transition of mine action from international management to national authority, focusing on the roles of government, civil society, and capacity building. Through case studies of Mozambique, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Afghanistan, it argues that national ownership is often hindered by donor-driven funding, a lack of early accurate data, and weak institutional structures. The document concludes that there is no universal recipe for ownership and recommends flexible, coordinated strategies that prioritize local capacity mapping and strategic national planning over rapid operational deployment.

The document examines the marginalisation of civilians, particularly women, children, and displaced persons, in the peace processes of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It critiques the UN's 'mainstreaming' approach as often limited to humanitarian protection rather than political empowerment. The author argues that sustainable peace requires the inclusion of non-combatants in decision-making, addressing the root causes of conflict such as the illegal exploitation of natural resources and systemic gender-based violence, and moving beyond power-sharing agreements between belligerents.

The paper examines the unique trajectory of democratisation in Southern Africa, arguing that the region's governance is shaped by colonial legacies, the 'big man' syndrome, and socio-economic crises rather than Western democratic indicators. It highlights how traditional power structures and ethnic loyalties often hinder democratic participation, while citing Botswana as a positive example of good governance. The author concludes that the ability of these governments to meet the basic needs of their populations and empower civil society is more critical for stability than adhering to Western models of democracy.

The document examines how rising debt burdens in Africa lead to austerity measures that compromise basic human rights, such as health and education. It highlights the success of previous debt relief initiatives like HIPC and MDRI while calling for a human rights-based approach to current debt management and the revamping of the G20 Common Framework.

The document examines the World Bank's historical reluctance to integrate non-economic factors—specifically governance, civil society, and human rights—into its development mission. It argues that the Bank's adherence to a strict interpretation of its Articles of Agreement leads to an ad hoc approach to governance and a failure to protect civil and political rights. While noting progress in 'mainstreaming' public participation and the creation of the Inspection Panel, the author contends that these efforts are often superficial or undermined by an institutional 'culture of approval' that prioritizes loan volume over project quality.

The document outlines five key areas for designing and implementing virtual or hybrid international meetings to prevent the erosion of public participation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. It emphasizes that while virtual formats can increase access for some, they often lack the depth of in-person interaction and introduce new risks regarding censorship, digital divides, and participant security. The guide argues that in-person meetings should remain the default for high-stakes policy negotiations, while innovative virtual tools should be used as parallel options to expand breadth of participation without consigning civil society to remote access.

Global Witness criticizes the Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) in Vietnam, stating that the $15.5 billion deal lacks sufficient protections for human rights and civil society. The organization highlights the imprisonment of environmental defenders and argues that a truly 'just' transition is impossible without the free participation of civil society and the release of unjustly arrested climate leaders.

The briefing examines the Mo Ibrahim Prize, an award for African leaders who meet strict democratic and constitutional criteria. It discusses the surprise decision by the Prize Committee to not select a winner in a given year, despite several leaders having recently left office. The author explores whether the prize effectively incentivizes good governance and suggests that the lack of a winner may reflect a receding democracy or the systemic challenges leaders face. The document concludes by suggesting the prize expand its scope to include civil society and individuals to better support democratic entrenchment.

The document examines the rise of NGOs in Africa since the 1980s, driven by the perceived failure of states to provide basic services and maintain accountability. While NGOs have partnered with international agencies like the World Bank and UN to fill gaps in health and education, their increasing capacity has led to conflict with African governments. States often view autonomous NGOs as political challengers, leading to restrictive legislation in countries such as Kenya and Uganda. The author concludes that while NGOs offer a development alternative, they cannot substitute for the state's role in providing essential infrastructure and basic services.

The document argues that while Zambia has a growing tradition of civil society activism, these organisations have largely ignored the military, leaving a void in the oversight of defence policy and budgeting. It highlights the historical context of coup attempts in 1990 and 1997 as evidence of weak civil-military relations and calls for a shift away from military secrecy toward transparency. The author suggests that civil society, parliament, and the executive must collaborate to define a democratic security doctrine, specifically targeting defence budgeting and policy formulation to prevent military intervention and ensure accountability for public funds.

The report examines the marginalisation of youth in Uganda, arguing that the state maintains power by subordinating young people and restricting their political agency. It highlights a disconnect between the 'success story' narrative of the Ugandan state and the reality of high youth unemployment, limited civil rights, and the 'invisibility' of youth in development agendas. The text explores various forms of mobilisation, from state-orchestrated electoral participation and populist movements to the lure of warlordism in Northern Uganda, while noting that skilled youth are often encouraged to emigrate to reduce domestic political opposition.

The report assesses Zambia's stability, noting that while the country has avoided civil war, it faces structural threats from pervasive poverty, neopatrimonial governance, and an imbalance of power between the executive and other state branches. It highlights the risk of political entrepreneurs exploiting ethnic tensions and the potential for social unrest due to economic inequality and a stalled constitutional review process.

The report examines a pilot project by Oxfam South Africa (OZA) and the Public Affairs Research Institute (PARI) to empower informal civil society organisations in the Alfred Nzo District Municipality through social accountability tools. While training workshops in Ntabankulu, Matatiele, and Winnie Madikizela Mandela municipalities improved community understanding of local government structures, the implementation of social audits faced significant hurdles. In Winnie Madikizela Mandela Municipality, attempts to audit the Mphuthumi Mafumbatha Stadium were undermined by local patronage networks and political interference, leading to community division and municipal non-cooperation. The report highlights the 'patronage trap,' where civic activism is compromised by clientelistic relations with political elites. Ultimately, the project demonstrated the value of linking community-led social audits with formal oversight by the Auditor General South Africa (AGSA) to uncover project delays and financial discrepancies.

The research examines nine donor-supported active citizenship programs implemented between 2010 and 2015 in Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, and Tunisia. The authors argue that these programs, primarily funded by the US and Europe, employ a 'neo-liberalization of citizenship' approach that emphasizes formal participation and technical skill-building over political dissent and social mobilization. Through interviews with approximately 250 activists, the study finds a significant gap between the normative, Western-inspired training modules and the actual political constraints in the MENA region, such as secretive decision-making, unreliable judicial systems, and the dominance of informal power networks. The paper concludes that these programs risk bolstering the legitimacy of non-democratic regimes by encouraging tokenistic engagement and disconnecting activists from their local communities.

The authors contend that African urbanization is a demographic megatrend that reshapes politics in diverse, context-specific ways. They reject a uniform 'urban effect,' proposing instead that political changes—such as shifts in citizen preferences, elite incentives, and forms of mobilization—are the direct result of territorially-situated power struggles and the specific social relations produced within built environments. The paper examines six domains: citizen preferences, elite interests, political mobilization, gender roles, civil society, and contentious collective action, highlighting how these are mediated by the unique histories and physical characteristics of different urban places.

The research examines the framing of gender in P/CVE policies from 2001 to 2017, identifying a dichotomy between a transformative approach to preventing women's radicalization and a traditionalist approach that instrumentalizes women's domestic roles as security assets. It finds that while women are heavily scrutinized as either victims or preventers, men's gendered roles are largely assumed and less analyzed, and there is a significant policy gap regarding far-right extremism in the global North.

The conference reviewed the achievements and challenges of the APRM from 2003 to 2013, emphasizing the critical but often inconsistent role of civil society organisations (CSOs) in monitoring and implementing National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). Key discussions focused on the need to universalise the mechanism, integrate it into the emerging African Governance Architecture (AGA), and better harness the contributions of the African diaspora and youth.

The document examines the integration of artificial intelligence (AI) across sectors such as finance, governance, and sustainable development, highlighting risks including algorithmic bias, worker displacement, and a growing 'AI divide' between developed and developing nations. It asserts that civil society must move beyond science-fiction stereotypes to advocate for a narrative based on social justice and human rights, urging actors to build technical capacity and participate in national AI strategies to ensure human oversight and data democratization.

The document outlines a structured approach for civil society organizations (CSOs) to monitor adaptation finance, moving from national context analysis to the design of local tracking tools, in order to hold governments and donors accountable.

The report argues that for climate finance to be effective and legitimate, there must be a redistribution of power from traditional contributor countries to recipient countries, enhancing national ownership. It suggests a hybrid approach of reforming existing institutions, such as Multilateral Development Banks, while creating new global and national mechanisms to meet the scale of the climate challenge. The authors emphasize the need for strengthened national institutions in developing countries, increased civil society monitoring, and a governance framework based on the three dimensions of power, responsibility, and accountability.