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The report criticizes the World Bank for its continued investment in 'dirty energy' and its leadership in expanding carbon markets. It highlights specific projects, such as the Medupi coal plant in South Africa and the Nam Theun 2 dam in Laos, as evidence of environmental and social harm. The document further contends that the Bank's promotion of REDD and carbon offsets leads to the privatization of forests and the marginalization of indigenous rights, while its role as an interim trustee for the Green Climate Fund is viewed as undemocratic and conflicted.

The document examines the governance of climate finance across three developing regions, arguing that funding is heavily skewed toward mitigation over adaptation and private over public sources. It highlights that this imbalance often ignores the urgent needs of the most vulnerable populations and the preference of developing nations for public finance to address historical climate debt. Additionally, it critiques the role of regional development banks, noting conflicts of interest where banks fund both fossil-fuel and renewable energy projects while prioritizing loans over grants.

The document argues that carbon markets offer indigenous communities opportunities for economic development aligned with sustainable forest management, provided that governments ensure free, prior and informed consent and protect land and carbon rights. It highlights a global lack of effort to involve indigenous peoples in carbon market policy and notes a specific information void regarding First Nations in Canada.

The report examines ten indigenous carbon market projects across Canada, the United States, Australia, New Zealand, and Mexico. It highlights diverse methodologies—including afforestation, avoided deforestation, and traditional fire management—to demonstrate how carbon revenues can support environmental, cultural, and economic goals. The document identifies systemic challenges such as a lack of federal policy, difficulties with third-party verification of tribal land governance, and the technical complexity of proving 'additionality'. It recommends participatory planning, the use of voluntary markets for 'co-benefits', and the development of indigenous-specific verification resources to ensure local ownership and sustainability.

The report examines how existing corruption and weak governance in forest-rich developing countries may undermine REDD objectives and how REDD resource flows could create new incentives for rent-seeking. Through case studies in the DRC, Kenya, and Tanzania, it identifies risks such as 'carbon fraud', elite capture of funds, and the marginalisation of local communities. It suggests that while REDD can act as a catalyst for improving forest governance, success depends on tailored anti-corruption measures, independent monitoring, and the integration of REDD into national development strategies.

The document analyzes the transition from project-based mechanisms like the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to sectoral-scale mechanisms. It evaluates three governance models for a Sectoral Crediting Mechanism (SCM): centralized (UN-led), hybrid (bilateral with UN minimum standards), and decentralized (independent of the UN). The authors argue that while decentralized models offer flexibility, they risk undermining environmental integrity and market credibility. The paper proposes a centralized SCM project cycle that improves upon the CDM by introducing more interactive baseline reviews, professionalizing the regulatory body, and utilizing biennial update reports for better verification.

The report details a task force meeting in Manila, Philippines, focused on the 'Development Dividend' in REDD—the balance between greenhouse gas reductions (quantity) and sustainable development benefits (quality), such as poverty alleviation and indigenous rights (equity). Key discussions centered on the technical and political challenges of Measurement, Reporting and Verification (MRV), the implementation of socio-environmental safeguards, and the role of market versus non-market financing. The document also provides updates on national REDD strategies from various countries, including Brazil, Indonesia, and the Philippines, and proposes a research agenda to clarify forest definitions and governance structures for benefit sharing.

The document serves as a resource for First Nations in Canada to navigate the economic opportunities and risks of carbon markets. It emphasizes that while global literature on indigenous peoples and carbon markets exists, there is a significant information void specifically regarding First Nations in Canada. The report argues that for indigenous participation to be equitable, governments must recognize carbon rights, obtain free, prior and informed consent, and adopt decentralized governance models that prioritize local employment over simple financial compensation. It also highlights the technical necessity of accurate carbon accounting, particularly in the boreal forest, where factors like insect infestations and soil moisture significantly impact carbon stock measurements.

The document is a briefing guide by PriceWaterhouseCoopers that examines the results of the Cancun Agreement, which was supported by 193 countries. It specifically focuses on how these outcomes affect business operations, investment, and carbon markets, while providing perspectives from China and Brazil and looking forward to the 2011 conference in Durban, South Africa.

The report criticizes the Copenhagen Accord for promoting private finance and market mechanisms over binding public commitments. It highlights how investment banks like Barclays and Santander, and companies like Shell and Lafarge, use carbon trading and REDD projects to generate profit or 'greenwash' their images. The authors advocate for a transition to climate justice, proposing a 'Robin Hood Tax' on financial transactions and the replacement of REDD with UN-wide negotiations to stop deforestation.

The document criticizes the 'Copenhagen Accord' for shifting the burden of climate action to developing nations and promoting private finance over public obligations. It highlights how global banks like Barclays and Santander, and corporations like Shell and Lafarge, use carbon markets and REDD projects for 'greenwashing' and profit. The report concludes that climate finance should be mandatory, public, and managed by the UN to ensure it serves the most vulnerable populations rather than corporate interests.

The report concludes that AB 32 will have a minimal economic impact on the City of Chula Vista and similar California municipalities. Direct energy cost increases are projected to be small, with the 'Conservative case' estimating that the budget could be restored by collecting just $1.97 more per resident annually by 2020. Indirect macroeconomic effects, including changes in employment and output, are estimated to be less than 1%. The authors argue that these impacts are negligible compared to the budget shocks caused by the 2007 economic downturn and the potential long-term costs of climate change inaction.

The document outlines the necessity of increasing climate investment in Africa, emphasizing the immediate need for public concessional funding for development and the role of private investment in low-carbon energy. It discusses the volatility of revenue sources tied to carbon prices, the need to compensate African countries for increased trade costs from international transport levies, and the requirement for carbon market reforms, including the inclusion of land-use change emissions, to attract investment.

The document outlines Africa's high vulnerability to climate change and its significant investment gaps in adaptation and mitigation. It evaluates the AGF's proposal to mobilise US$100 billion annually by 2020, highlighting potential public funding sources like carbon taxes and fossil fuel subsidy redirection, while stressing the need for grants for adaptation and regulatory reforms to attract private investment in carbon markets.

The document outlines how the AGF's recommendations for climate finance apply to Asia, noting that while China and India have successfully used carbon markets to attract private finance, other Asian nations will rely more on public revenue. It highlights the potential for 'transformational investments' combining public and private flows, the need for grants and concessional loans for highly vulnerable countries like Bangladesh, and concerns regarding international transport revenue and trade costs. Finally, it suggests that the US$100 billion annual target may be insufficient to meet Asia's adaptation needs.

The document analyzes Asia's climate investment requirements, estimating annual mitigation needs at US$90–180 billion and adaptation costs at US$40–45 billion by 2030. It argues that while private finance can drive mitigation in major economies like China and India, public resources are essential for adaptation and for less developed countries. The briefing highlights opportunities in carbon markets and public-private leveraging, but warns that the Copenhagen Accord's US$100 billion target is insufficient for Asia's needs and that transport or financial transaction levies could negatively impact Asian trade and financial hubs.

The document outlines the climate finance requirements for the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region, estimating annual mitigation needs between US$40–80 billion and adaptation needs between US$18–21 billion by 2030. It highlights the region's unique emissions profile, where land-use change is the primary driver of greenhouse gases, particularly in South America. The briefing argues that the AGF's recommendations for public-private partnerships and carbon-based revenue sources offer significant opportunities, provided that the region secures an equitable share of adaptation grants and establishes a robust framework for reducing emissions from deforestation (REDD+).

The document outlines how the AGF's proposed funding mechanisms affect Small Island Developing States (SIDS), emphasizing the need for grants for adaptation and the potential for private investment in renewables. It notes that while international transport levies could raise funds, they may negatively impact SIDS' trade and tourism, necessitating compensation.

The document examines how the AGF's goal of mobilising US$100 billion annually can support SIDS, noting that while public grants are essential for adaptation, private capital can be leveraged for mitigation. It highlights risks such as the impact of international transport levies on trade and tourism, and the potential for non-LDC SIDS to be underserved by existing aid patterns.

The document examines the 'Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation' (REDD) framework, highlighting how its implementation often prioritizes corporate profit and carbon market volatility over the rights of Indigenous Peoples and local communities. Through case studies in countries like Indonesia, Mexico, and Paraguay, it illustrates risks such as 'leakage', the displacement of forest-dependent populations, and the lack of genuine free, prior, and informed consent. The report concludes that REDD should be decoupled from carbon markets and instead focus on reducing demand for agricultural commodities and timber while rewarding those who have historically conserved forests.