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Carbon Market Watch argues that the European Commission's EU ETS revision proposal is inadequate, specifically citing an insufficient emission reduction target and a failure to implement the polluter pays principle through the continued use of free emission allowances. The organization proposes increasing the 2030 emission reduction target to 65% or 70%, reforming the Market Stability Reserve, phasing out free allocations, and expanding the scope of the ETS to include municipal solid waste incineration and full shipping emissions.

Carbon Market Watch argues that the European Commission's proposal to update the EU ETS is insufficient, specifically citing an inadequate emission reduction target and the failure to implement the polluter pays principle through continued free allowances. The organization advocates for a 70% emission reduction target by 2030, a more aggressive Market Stability Reserve (MSR) intake rate of 36%, and the immediate phase-out of free emission allowances. Further recommendations include expanding the ETS to cover all international shipping voyages and waste incineration, excluding Carbon Capture and Utilization (CCU) due to potential loopholes, and deleting Article 26 of the ETS Directive to allow binding greenhouse gas limits in industrial permits.

The European Green Deal (EGD) aims to reduce EU net greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55 percent from 1990 levels by 2030, creating significant spillovers for Africa in sectors such as energy, agriculture, and critical raw materials. The document argues that to avoid replicating past dependencies, the EU must align its policies with African development priorities and provide concessional climate financing focused on adaptation. Simultaneously, African nations are urged to articulate their own climate transition agendas, update resource mapping to attract foreign direct investment, and strengthen local content laws to ensure technology transfer and job localization.

The authors contend that Russia's current climate pledges are insufficient and that the government must acknowledge the global shift away from coal to protect its coal-producing regions, particularly Kuzbass, from economic disruption. While Russia is a top global coal exporter, the authors warn that the collapse of the global coal development pipeline and policies like the EU's carbon border adjustment mechanism threaten the sector's viability. They advocate for proactive economic diversification and a managed phase-out to support workers and the global 1.5°C target.

Carbon Market Watch contends that the EU's 'Fit for 55' package lacks the urgency required for the climate crisis. The authors argue for increasing the 2030 emissions reduction target to 65% and advancing the carbon neutrality goal to 2040. While welcoming the inclusion of shipping in the Emissions Trading System (ETS) and the proposed Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), the document criticises the continued use of free allowances and the lack of exemptions for low-income countries within the CBAM framework.

The document outlines a framework for South African climate diplomacy, emphasizing the need to move beyond the UNFCCC to engage with the G7, G20, WTO, and IMF. It argues that the current global climate finance architecture is unfit for the needs of emerging economies, particularly regarding coal phase-outs and adaptation. The authors recommend a whole-of-government approach to secure 'package deals' that link higher emission reduction targets to concrete financial support, debt relief, and intellectual property waivers for green technology.

New wind and solar power installations in Turkey are now more cost-effective than operating existing coal plants that rely on imports. With international hard coal prices reaching a decade high and renewable costs falling, Turkey faces high import costs—potentially reaching 5 billion USD in 2021—while facing potential EU carbon border levies. Despite the economic viability of renewables, utility-scale solar growth is hindered by transformer capacity limits and restrictions on power purchase agreements.

The document analyzes the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) as a shift in climate policy toward trade and economic levers. It highlights the growth of carbon pricing globally, including the EU ETS and China's national ETS, and suggests that COP26 should be used to establish a 'green window' for preferential treatment of green goods and a mechanism to allocate CBAM revenues to vulnerable countries to ensure a just transition.

The Russian coal sector provides a low economic contribution to the national GDP but maintains high social and political significance, particularly in regions like Kuzbass. Despite this, the sector is heavily reliant on indirect state subsidies and faces a deteriorating infrastructure, with the average age of coal power plants reaching 53 years. The report highlights a disconnect between the Russian government's expectations of export growth and the reality of decarbonization trends in key markets such as the EU, China, and India. It argues that Russia lacks an official decarbonization scenario and that conservative views currently dominate policy, ignoring the risks of stranded assets and the impact of the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). The authors propose a 'just transition' framework consisting of social programs for workers, regional economic diversification, and the introduction of an internal carbon price.

The Russian coal sector provides a negligible contribution to the national GDP but remains politically significant due to regional employment and historical stability concerns. While the Russian government continues to anticipate growth in coal exports, particularly to Asia, the report argues that this is unrealistic given the global low-carbon transition, the obsolescence of Russia's coal-fired power fleet, and the increasing competitiveness of renewable energy. The document highlights that the sector is heavily reliant on indirect government subsidies, such as reduced rail tariffs. It proposes a three-part just transition framework consisting of social re-employment programmes, regional economic diversification (especially in the Kuzbass region), and the implementation of a domestic carbon price to internalize environmental costs.

The global pipeline of proposed coal power plants has collapsed by 76% since the 2015 Paris Agreement, with 1,175GW of projects cancelled. While China remains the largest pursuer of coal, hosting 55% of the remaining pre-construction pipeline, many OECD and non-OECD countries have already committed to or are positioned for 'no new coal'. The report highlights that action by six countries—China, India, Viet Nam, Indonesia, Turkey, and Bangladesh—could remove 82% of the remaining global pre-construction pipeline.

The briefing argues that as countries increase climate ambition and carbon pricing, border carbon adjustment (BCA) mechanisms are becoming inevitable to prevent carbon leakage. To avoid these tools becoming protectionist or causing trade disputes, the author proposes a framework of principles—such as prioritizing leakage protection over competitiveness and granting credit for foreign carbon prices—and best practices, including the use of international data standards. The document suggests the World Trade Organization (WTO) as the ideal multilateral forum for discussing these guidelines to provide a bulwark against national protectionist pressures.

The report examines how green bonds and transition finance can support South Africa's shift from a coal-dependent energy system to a low-carbon economy. It highlights the critical role of the two largest emitters, Eskom and Sasol, and proposes various financial models, including sovereign green bonds and asset-backed securities, to attract international capital while managing the social implications of a 'Just Transition'.

The document argues that Canada needs to design a border carbon adjustment (BCA) mechanism to prevent emissions from being transferred to unregulated foreign competitors as its carbon price is legislated to rise to CAD 170/tonne by 2030. It notes that while the EU will implement a BCA (CBAM) by 2023, and the US and UK intend to do the same, such systems are complex, politically sensitive, and potentially conflict with trade rules. The report provides recommendations on eight design elements for a Canadian BCA and examines how Canada should respond to the schemes of its major trading partners.

The report examines the implementation of a border carbon adjustment (BCA) in Canada to mitigate 'leakage'—where emissions-intensive and trade-exposed (EITE) sectors relocate or are undercut by foreign competitors with lower carbon costs. It proposes two primary design paths: a regulation-based BCA extending the existing output-based pricing system (OBPS) or a tax-based BCA accompanying a full carbon tax. The authors identify 11 high-risk product categories, including bitumen and synthetic crude oil, which represent 34% of Canada's GHG emissions. The report analyzes the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and the U.S. approach, noting that while the U.S. lacks a national carbon price, it may use low-carbon standards or Section 232 tariffs. Key recommendations include coordinating with the EU and U.S. to harmonize benchmarks and ensuring the system is 'future-proofed' to accommodate a transition from the OBPS to full carbon pricing.

The report examines the trade implications of global climate policies on developing nations, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa and least developed countries (LDCs). It finds that while fossil fuel exports face significant short-to-medium term threats due to decarbonization, the transition to renewable energy creates substantial growth potential for non-ferrous metals and specialty minerals. However, the report warns that these opportunities require significant investment and economic diversification to avoid the 'resource curse'. Agricultural exports are less directly affected by energy transitions but remain vulnerable to greenhouse gas intensity standards and consumer preferences in importing markets.

The document provides a multi-faceted analysis of how trade policies impact environmental and social sustainability. It highlights the new environmental provisions in the USMCA/T-MEC/CUSMA, the European Union's leadership in circular economy product policies, and the vulnerability of small island states' tourism sectors post-COVID-19. It also warns of rising non-tariff protectionism and discusses India's potential as a hub for electric vehicle battery recycling, while detailing the complexities of trade agreements in Latin America and the EU's proposed carbon border adjustment mechanism.

The document outlines the objectives of a joint briefing by several institutes to analyze how the EU's CBAM, part of the "Fit for 55" package, affects climate-vulnerable countries, including least developed countries and small island developing states. It focuses on the differences between the European Commission and European Parliament positions, the identification of most-affected countries based on carbon-intensive sectors and export reliance, the implications for UNFCCC climate action, and the potential for CBAM revenues to support low-carbon transitions abroad.

The Climate Friendly Materials Platform argues that the EU's proposed CBAM design needs refinements to create an effective investment framework for the green transition. They propose a combined package consisting of a climate contribution on basic material production and imports, free allowance allocations for firms with climate neutrality transition plans, and EU-scale carbon contracts for difference to cover incremental investment costs. The researchers contend that while free allowances are controversial, they can achieve both environmental and industrial policy objectives when integrated with the other two elements. They suggest the CBAM's transition period and use of default values provide a mechanism to incorporate these refinements until an international agreement on carbon pricing is reached.

The document outlines a comprehensive set of recommendations to transform the EU textile sector from a linear to a circular and resource-sufficient model. It advocates for mandatory ecodesign requirements to ensure durability and non-toxicity, a ban on the destruction of unsold goods, and the implementation of a digital product passport for transparency. The authors call for the phase-out of fossil-fuel derived synthetic fibres, the introduction of taxes on virgin resources, and the establishment of an EU-wide Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) scheme. Furthermore, it emphasizes the need for binding due diligence legislation to address human rights and environmental abuses in global supply chains and suggests stricter regulations on the export of textile waste to non-EU countries.