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The document analyzes the impasse of the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) and proposes a strategic negotiating stance for South Africa. It argues that South Africa should leverage concessions in the services sector to secure greater market access for agriculture and protect its industrial policy space through the NAMA carve-out, particularly considering its obligations within the Southern African Customs Union (SACU).

The document analyses the political economy of the Doha Round's 'end-game' and its impact on South Africa. It highlights a conflict between South Africa's state-driven industrial policy and the liberalisation demands of the NAMA-agriculture 'exchange rate'. The authors argue that South Africa's interests are best served by preserving a NAMA carve-out for the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) and offering concessions in the services sector—specifically in telecommunications, transport, and energy—to secure agricultural gains from developed nations.

The document details a 2011 workshop on South African trade policy reform. It examines the challenges of the WTO Doha Development Round, specifically the imbalance between agricultural protections in developed nations and demands for market access in services and industrial goods (NAMA). The dialogue explores services liberalization from Indian and SADC regional perspectives, emphasizing the need for regulatory frameworks to support employment. Finally, it assesses the use of Industrial Development Zones (IDZs) and Export Processing Zones (EPZs) to lower business costs and attract investment to boost South African exports.

A study of irrigation subsidies in Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, and Kerala estimated annual subsidies at US$575 million between 2004 and 2008, primarily covering interest on capital and operation and maintenance costs. The report notes that actual subsidies are likely higher due to the exclusion of smaller schemes and private groundwater electricity subsidies, and warns that poor data recording and cost overruns in incomplete projects hinder effective policy assessment.

The policy brief highlights a systemic gap where governments provide billions in subsidies but under-invest in the monitoring required to prevent fraud and corruption. It notes that the actual scale of these issues is obscured by government reluctance to publicize failures. The brief advocates for using high-profile fraud cases as opportunities to reform poorly designed subsidy programs and discusses the challenges and benefits of establishing a global estimate of the financial impact of such corruption.

The report argues that traditional trade liberalization agendas are insufficient for addressing food security, particularly when risks stem from global market volatility. It suggests that a 'new agricultural deal' and differentiated treatment for developing countries are necessary to reconcile trade and food security.

The report analyzes how developing regions responded to the 200608 food crisis, noting a prevalence of short-term, often protectionist measures such as export bans and consumer subsidies. It argues that these immediate responses frequently conflicted with long-term goals of increasing agricultural production and that regional cooperation mechanisms were largely ineffective during the crisis. The author advocates for a 'new agricultural deal' at the global level and the institutional strengthening of regional agreements to provide credible collective economic security.

The report argues that the 2006–2008 global food crisis was a spike in a long-term trend of food insecurity in Southern Africa. It highlights the Comprehensive African Agricultural Development Program (CAADP) as the primary framework for coordinated regional responses, emphasizing long-term structural improvements over short-term reactionary measures. The analysis covers specific SADC and COMESA initiatives, the role of strategic grain reserves, and the impact of international trade subsidies on African agricultural productivity.

The document argues that while the 2009 Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) strengthens Indonesia's diplomatic standing, the subsequent pursuit of a Free Trade Agreement (IEUFTA) presents risks due to economic imbalances. It highlights that the EU favors extensive trade liberalisation, whereas Indonesia seeks to maintain policy space for development and faces hurdles such as EU non-tariff barriers and subsidies. The author suggests that for the IEUFTA to be beneficial, the EU must allow special safeguards, expand GSP schemes, and improve market access for Indonesian exports.

The document argues that a proposed Indonesia-EU FTA (IEUFTA) could deepen economic imbalances unless Indonesia's development interests are prioritized. It identifies key friction points including policy space, market access barriers, and the risk of 'WTO-plus' commitments that could marginalize poor populations.

The document examines the 'vicious circle' of underdevelopment in Africa, characterized by commodity dependence, poor infrastructure, and limited global trade integration. It analyzes the failures of the multilateral trading system (WTO) and the limitations of preferential schemes like the EU's 'Everything but Arms' (EBA) and the US's 'African Growth and Opportunity Act' (AGOA). The authors argue that while regional integration is often promoted, it frequently benefits only the strongest economies in a group. The paper concludes that Africa must improve its supply-side capacity—specifically physical infrastructure and trade financing—while the EU should reform its standards and ODA strategies to better support African exporters.

The report assesses government support for liquid biofuels in Canada, finding that total transfers between 2006 and 2008 ranged from C$860 million to C$1.02 billion. It argues that these subsidies are an expensive way to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and conserve fossil fuels, often providing poor value for money compared to purchasing carbon offsets. While Canada has implemented some effective targeting and caps to limit costs, the report highlights poor transparency, a lack of rigorous environmental evaluation, and the potential for future infrastructure costs driven by blending mandates.

The document asserts that GM crops fail to address hunger because food insecurity is driven by poverty rather than production deficits. It claims that most GM crops are used for animal feed and biofuels in wealthy nations, with production concentrated in the US, Argentina, and Brazil. The text argues that GM crops do not increase yields and instead lead to higher pesticide use and the emergence of herbicide-resistant weeds. It highlights the financial gain of companies like Monsanto through a "trait penetration" strategy that raises seed and herbicide prices, while small farmers face escalating costs and rural unemployment.

The policy brief examines the systemic failures of the WTO's negotiating process, highlighting how the 'single-undertaking' principle and consensus-based decision-making have led to paralysis. It argues that the diverse interests of 153 members—ranging from developed nations seeking new regulatory areas to poor countries struggling with existing obligations—make universal consensus increasingly unworkable. The author suggests that 'critical mass' plurilateral agreements, as outlined in the Warwick Report, offer a viable middle ground to maintain the multilateral system while allowing flexible progress for subsets of members.

The document examines the intersection of global trade policy and food security in Southern Africa, arguing that reducing dependence on First World agricultural subsidies and improving domestic production capabilities are critical for long-term stability. It analyzes the potential impacts of the WTO Doha Round, specifically regarding preference erosion for African exports and the disciplining of export restrictions. The author highlights the risks posed by biofuel production and the limitations of current trade models in predicting gains for Africa, suggesting that a 'no deal' outcome at the WTO may not be entirely disadvantageous.

The document analyzes the decline of Zimbabwe's agricultural sector and its resulting food insecurity, identifying structural failures, hyperinflation, and land reform as primary drivers. It evaluates domestic support programs and trade policies, concluding that while Zimbabwe has the potential for self-sufficiency, it requires comprehensive reforms in infrastructure, technology, and regional cooperation to overcome current supply-side constraints.

The document examines the accession of Nepal and Cambodia to the WTO in 2004, highlighting that the process remained strenuous and lacked promised simplifications for LDCs. It finds that both countries made extensive commitments on tariffs and services that often exceeded their developmental capacities. While accession provided a lever for some domestic reform and increased foreign direct investment in Cambodia, implementation of legislative requirements has been slow due to capacity constraints and a lack of monitoring. The brief recommends streamlining accession by removing bilateral market access negotiations for LDCs and linking the implementation of commitments to the receipt of effective technical assistance.

The document examines the high social, economic, and environmental costs of confined animal feeding operations (CAFOs) in the U.S., contrasting them with 'smart pasture operations' (SPOs) and other mid-size alternatives. It highlights how federal subsidies for grain and waste management have artificially supported CAFOs while externalizing costs such as water pollution, antibiotic resistance, and diminished rural property values. The Union of Concerned Scientists advocates for policy shifts, including the elimination of CAFO waste subsidies and stricter enforcement of the Clean Water Act and antitrust laws, to promote a more sustainable food system.

The report analyzes Australian government support for biofuels, finding that total transfers reached approximately A$ 95 million in 2006–07. It argues that the industry is heavily subsidized compared to other sectors, with effective rates of assistance often exceeding 100%. The authors conclude that these subsidies are not cost-effective for reducing greenhouse gas emissions or displacing fossil fuels, as the cost per tonne of CO2-equivalent avoided is significantly higher than purchasing carbon offsets on international exchanges.

The report argues that CAFOs are propped up by taxpayer subsidies and the externalization of costs related to pollution and public health. It highlights that these operations, while producing over 50% of U.S. food animals, create massive manure management problems and antibiotic resistance. The author suggests that medium-sized and pasture-based operations are cost-competitive alternatives that would be more viable if subsidies were redirected and antitrust laws were enforced.