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The document serves as a glossary for individuals attending or following the COP, demystifying jargon related to climate policy, governance, and science. It defines key institutional bodies such as the UNFCCC, IPCC, and YOUNGO, as well as core policy mechanisms like the Paris Agreement, Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), and the Paris Rulebook. Additionally, it clarifies scientific and financial terms including adaptation, mitigation, climate finance, and loss and damage (L&D).

The document explains that human activities, primarily the burning of fossil fuels, have increased average global temperatures by approximately one degree Celsius since 1880. It details the resulting impacts, including rising sea levels, ocean acidification, and more severe extreme weather events. The text outlines strategies for mitigation and adaptation, discusses the role of renewable energy and energy efficiency, and describes the efforts of the United States, corporations, and the United Nations to address the crisis.

The briefing outlines a strategic framework for the Biden Administration to reengage in global climate action through four priorities: fulfilling and doubling the U.S. pledge to the Green Climate Fund, contributing to other multilateral institutions like the Adaptation Fund, integrating climate considerations across all development funding, and pushing multilateral development banks to align with the Paris Agreement.

The document traces the history of international climate governance, highlighting the shift from the 'top-down' Kyoto Protocol to the 'bottom-up' Paris Agreement. It analyzes the central tension between ensuring universal participation and maintaining the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR). While the Paris Agreement achieved universality by allowing self-differentiation through Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), the brief notes that current collective pledges are insufficient to limit warming to 1.5°C or 2°C, and that the regime's success depends on the ambition of major emitters.

The 2020 report outlines the progress of the WHO-Civil Society Working Group, highlighting its role in advocating for a 'healthy recovery' from COVID-19 and placing health at the center of UNFCCC dialogues. Key achievements include a mobilization of over 40 million health professionals, the delivery of a health-focused webinar for students in Portugal, and the initiation of a literature review to update research gaps in climate and health. The group aims to further align health civil society efforts leading up to COP26 in Glasgow.

The report traces the shift in international climate policy from the 'top-down' prescriptive approach of the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, which targeted developed nations, to the 'bottom-up' participatory model of the 2015 Paris Agreement. It highlights the central role of the 'common but differentiated responsibilities' (CBDR) principle and argues that while the Paris Agreement achieved universal participation, current national commitments remain insufficient to limit global warming to 1.5°C or 2°C.

The document examines the intersection of climate change and human rights, detailing how environmental degradation threatens rights to life, food, health, water, and housing. It outlines the obligations of states to respect, protect, and fulfil these rights, and the responsibilities of businesses to reduce emissions and provide remedies. The handbook specifically focuses on the role of National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs), presenting case studies of their work in monitoring impacts, handling complaints, providing policy advice, and engaging in international mechanisms like the UNFCCC and the Universal Periodic Review. It highlights that nearly half of Paris Principles-compliant NHRIs have engaged in climate change work, using tools ranging from digital mapping to formal inquiries into 'carbon majors'.

The 2019 Production Gap Report, produced by SEI and partners, identifies a significant gap between government fossil fuel production plans and the levels required to limit global warming to 1.5°C or 2°C. The report aims to shift climate discourse toward targeting both production and consumption, influencing policymakers in countries such as Norway and the United States.

The document argues that meaningful global greenhouse gas emissions reductions are increasingly unlikely due to political instability and the COVID-19 pandemic. It recommends that South Africa shift its focus from the UNFCCC process toward strengthening domestic and regional adaptive capacity and resilience. The authors suggest leveraging South Africa's soft power and its role as AU chair to champion a 'green' recovery agenda at the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the EU–AU Summit, while urging the country to move away from its dependence on the Mineral-Energy Complex.

The document asserts that Australia's climate policies and continued reliance on fossil fuels violate human rights both domestically and internationally. It highlights the severe impacts of climate change on Australian health, ecosystems, and Indigenous communities, while criticizing the government's use of 'carryover credits' to artificially meet emissions targets. Furthermore, it denounces the use of anti-protest laws and attacks on the charitable status of NGOs to stifle climate activism.

The document argues that the World Heritage Committee should not defer climate mitigation issues to the UNFCCC, as state parties have independent obligations under the World Heritage Convention to protect properties from climate change. It asserts that site-level mitigation and adaptation are insufficient for highly vulnerable sites like coral reefs and glaciers, which require warming to be limited to well below 1.5°C. The briefing recommends using the List of World Heritage in Danger to enforce corrective measures based on a state's alignment with global emissions pathways.

Turkey is pursuing a civilian nuclear energy program to diversify its energy sources and meet rapidly growing electricity demand, primarily through the Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant developed with Russia under a 'build-own-operate' (BOO) model. While Turkey adheres to international nonproliferation regimes and collaborates with the IAEA, the BOO model creates risks regarding regulatory oversight, information asymmetry, and potential safety compromises to reduce costs. Additionally, Turkey faces significant climate security threats, including drought and sea-level rise, which may impact the operation of its coastal nuclear sites. The program also reflects Turkey's complex strategic balancing between Russia and NATO allies.

The document examines barriers to climate finance in sub-Saharan Africa, arguing that while recipient capacity is often blamed, donor-centric processes and a lack of standardized definitions are root causes. It recommends that donors undertake internal reviews to streamline access, provide better needs-assessment guidance, and establish consolidated platforms for funding information.

The document examines the uncertainty surrounding the hosting of COP26 in Glasgow due to COVID-19, noting that while the UK government initially aimed to proceed, the decision involves the UNFCCC. It highlights the impracticality of virtual summits and emphasizes that Paris Agreement obligations for 2020 NDC submissions remain. The author argues that post-pandemic economic recovery packages must avoid high-carbon industries and instead invest in low-carbon infrastructure to avoid repeating the missed opportunities of the 2008 financial crisis.

South Africa introduced a carbon tax in 2019 to meet greenhouse gas emission reduction targets of 34% by 2020 and 42% by 2025. The policy primarily targets the energy sector, which is responsible for approximately 80% of the country's emissions due to a heavy reliance on coal. While the tax aims to incentivize a shift toward renewable energy, it faces challenges including potential conflicts with WTO non-discrimination principles, the risk of carbon leakage due to a lack of border price adjustments, and negative socio-economic impacts such as increased consumer prices and potential job losses in energy-intensive industries like mining and steel. The document argues for a balanced approach that includes worker re-skilling, targeted incentives for renewables, and regional coordination through agreements like the AfCFTA to prevent protectionism and ensure a just transition.

The document outlines the flexible nature of National Adaptation Plans (NAPs), stating that there is no single template and that countries should determine the structure and content based on their specific contexts. It references the Least Developed Country Expert Group (LEG) Technical Guidelines, which divide the process into four elements: laying groundwork, preparatory elements, implementation strategies, and reporting, monitoring, and review. The guidance stresses that the process of development is as important as the final document, which should serve as a strategic guide for adaptation investments and priorities.

The case of Urgenda Foundation v The State of the Netherlands resulted in a Supreme Court ruling on 20 December 2019, upholding a lower court's order for the Dutch government to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by at least 25% relative to 1990 levels by the end of 2020. The courts determined that the State has a positive obligation under Articles 2 and 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights to take concrete actions against climate change to prevent risks to the right to life and family life. The ruling established that such mandates do not violate the separation of powers, as the government retains discretion over the methods used to achieve the target. This judgment has since influenced climate litigation in other jurisdictions, including Ireland and Australia.

The document outlines how the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) integrates climate change into its monitoring of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). It details the Committee's use of General Comments, Joint Statements, and State reporting procedures to hold States accountable for climate-related impacts on rights such as health, food, and water. Key findings emphasize that States must implement emissions cuts reflecting the "highest possible ambition," regulate private actors to prevent climate harm, and ensure that high-income States provide climate finance to developing nations beyond existing official development assistance. The briefing also analyzes trends in the Committee's Concluding Observations from 2008 to 2019, noting a higher frequency of climate-related recommendations for developed countries and a strong focus on mitigation, adaptation, and international cooperation.

The report analyzes the shift of global environmental governance to virtual formats during the 2020 pandemic, noting that while operational decisions (like budgets) were achieved via the 'silence procedure', substantive negotiations on climate and biodiversity were largely delayed. It highlights that pandemic-related emission drops were temporary and structural, and warns that the crisis exacerbated social inequalities and hindered scientific reporting, such as the IPCC's sixth assessment report. The document concludes by advocating for a 'green and inclusive recovery' and a stronger link between biodiversity protection and pandemic prevention.

The document defines key terms related to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement, specifically in the context of the COP25 conference. It explains the roles of the Conference of the Parties (COP) and the CMA, the structure of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), and the goals of the Paris Agreement, including temperature thresholds and net-zero emissions. Additionally, it details technical negotiation points such as the Paris Rulebook, Article 6 carbon markets, the prevention of double-counting, and the $100 billion climate finance target involving the Green Climate Fund (GCF).