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The briefing outlines three key areas of contention at the COP 20 climate talks in Lima: the establishment of a formal process to assess the ambition and fairness of Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (INDCs), the mobilization of $100 billion in dedicated climate finance by 2020, and the integration of adaptation goals and assessment cycles into the final agreement. It emphasizes that these decisions are essential prerequisites for the agreement to be concluded in Paris at the end of 2015.

The document discusses the necessity and design of an ex ante assessment process for INDCs to ensure alignment with international objectives and build trust among UNFCCC Parties, highlighting three key decision points for COP 20 in Lima.

The brief advocates for the systematic review of intended nationally determined contributions (INDCs) to ensure global mitigation efforts are fair and sufficient to keep warming below 2°C, arguing that such assessments can provide clear results even when using a broad range of fairness perspectives.

The United States and China have announced new climate targets to align with the European Union as the world's top three emitters. The U.S. aims to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 26-28 percent from 2005 levels by 2025, which would require doubling annual reduction rates. China intends to peak carbon dioxide emissions around 2030 and increase non-fossil fuel energy consumption to around 20 percent by 2030. Both countries' targets represent a deviation from business-as-usual trajectories, though achieving a long-term 2-degree-C trajectory will require more aggressive policies, such as carbon pricing and stronger regulation of power plants.

The author contends that 'corporate capture' of the UN and EU has prioritised profit over climate action, leading to ineffective market-based policies and rising emissions. The text advocates for a binding international agreement based on scientific evidence and historical responsibility, rather than political compromise. It calls for the abandonment of coal—which accounted for 43% of CO2 emissions from fuel combustion in 2012—and the adoption of 'energy sovereignty' through decentralized, democratically controlled renewable energy. The author argues that the EU should lead by replacing market mechanisms like the EU-Emissions Trading Scheme with regulation, taxation, and subsidies to achieve necessary emission cuts.

The author contends that Africa's future depends on the intersection of its youth demographics and climate change, asserting that the impacts of climate change threaten to undermine the 'demographic dividend' by devastating the agriculture sector, which is a primary source of employment for young Africans. The text calls for a global climate agreement based on distributive justice and equity, specifically demanding increased funding for climate change adaptation and the transfer of technology for climate-smart agriculture.

The report argues that Anglo American and other dirty energy corporations have 'captured' climate policy-making, particularly within the UNFCCC, to protect their business models. It highlights the severe social and environmental damage caused by the El Cerrejón coal mine in Colombia, including water scarcity and the displacement of indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities. The document details Anglo American's use of a 'web of influence'—including memberships in groups like the ICC, WBCSD, and EUROMINES—to lobby for market-based mechanisms such as carbon trading and carbon capture and storage (CCS), which the authors term 'false solutions'. It concludes by calling for the removal of corporate privileged access to climate negotiations, the end of public subsidies for dirty energy, and increased lobby transparency.

The report denounces Anglo American for using its privileged access to governments and the UNFCCC to undermine genuine climate action in favor of 'false solutions' like carbon markets and carbon capture. It highlights the severe social and environmental impacts of the El Cerrejón coal mine in Colombia, including water scarcity and the displacement of indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities. The document argues that corporate capture of international climate negotiations prevents the addressing of systemic causes of climate change and calls for the complete removal of corporate influence from climate policy-making.

The report exposes the dual nature of Anglo American's operations: the severe human rights and environmental impacts of its El Cerrejón coal mine in Colombia, and its strategic lobbying within the UNFCCC and other international bodies to maintain a fossil-fuel-based energy model. It argues that the company promotes 'false solutions'—such as carbon markets and carbon capture and storage (CCS)—to avoid structural changes and continue profiting from pollution. The authors call for the removal of corporate privileged access to climate negotiations and the end of public subsidies for polluting energies.

The author contends that climate change is the primary challenge to sustainable development and that the post-2015 framework must include a dedicated climate goal and integrated targets to avoid undermining poverty eradication efforts. While the current SDG report includes these elements, the author warns that some countries oppose the climate goal due to perceived overlaps with the UNFCCC. The document asserts that the post-2015 framework should complement, not replace, the UNFCCC and can provide momentum for the COP21 agreement.

The briefing identifies six critical areas for progress at the upcoming COP 20 in Lima, Peru, following negotiations in Bonn. These include establishing transparency and assessment mechanisms for intended nationally determined contributions (INDCs), framing the long-term structure of the 2015 agreement, addressing adaptation goals, clarifying the role of climate finance via the Green Climate Fund, and implementing pre-2020 low-carbon actions. It also notes the European Union's recent commitment to reduce emissions by at least 40 percent below 1990 levels by 2030 as a positive signal for future negotiations.

The ACT 2015 consortium proposes five key ingredients for a successful 2015 global climate agreement: a clear long-term goal (including net zero by 2050), a commitment to non-regression of national targets, a five-year cycle for strengthening commitments, the integration of independent expert analysis, and a transparent progress assessment mechanism.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) argues that the Norwegian Government Pension Fund Global (GPFG) faces significant legal, financial, and reputational risks due to its investments in fossil fuel companies. CIEL highlights that GPFG invests in 44 of the 90 'Carbon Majors' responsible for 63% of industrial greenhouse gas emissions from 1854-2010, increasing the likelihood of successful climate change litigation. The document specifically calls for immediate divestment from coal, citing the industry's financial decline, systemic demand drops in the US, and severe environmental and human rights abuses in India and China. Furthermore, CIEL asserts that continued fossil fuel investment contradicts Norway's international obligations under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change and its commitment to inter-generational equity.

The paper argues that for the SDGs to deliver climate compatible development, climate change must be both a stand-alone goal and mainstreamed across all other goals. It highlights a lack of quantitative targets in the Open Working Group's draft and emphasizes the need for nationally relevant indicators and local-level resilience. The document suggests that the SDGs should complement the UNFCCC process rather than duplicate it, and calls for coordinated financing to avoid gaps in climate compatible development funding.

The document outlines methodological approaches for aligning national mitigation pledges with global temperature targets, discusses the challenges of integrating equity into these pledges, and proposes a minimum list of upfront information to ensure transparency in INDC reporting.

The document argues that climate change is the greatest health threat of the 21st century and urges the health sector to adopt a 'divest-invest' framework to shift financial resources from fossil fuels to renewable energy. It calls for the declaration of climate change as a global public health emergency and urges health leaders to advocate for a fair international climate agreement in 2015.

The 38th Meeting of the IAI Executive Council focused on establishing the Science-Policy Advisory Committee (SPAC), drafting a statement on climate change adaptation for the UNFCCC COP 20, and adopting Research Gate to enhance scientific collaboration. The Council also elected a new leadership board and reviewed actions from previous meetings.

The document argues that successful climate diplomacy for LDCs requires integrating climate change as a core national interest, mainstreaming it into development planning, and strategically engaging the media. It highlights the Gambia's appointment of its first special climate envoy in 2013 as a step toward building the capacity to influence international negotiations, such as those leading to the 2015 global climate agreement. The brief emphasizes that domestic political consensus and institutional reform are prerequisites for diplomats to effectively link national priorities with global climate regimes.

The authors call for the urgent capitalization of the Green Climate Fund (GCF), suggesting that an injection of finance would signal political commitment and rebuild trust between parties before the 2015 Paris agreement. They highlight the GCF's role in scaling innovative projects, such as the African Risk Capacity insurance mechanism and Chile's MAPS project, and emphasize the need to address the funding gap for adaptation in vulnerable countries. The text echoes calls for capitalization of at least US$10 billion to US$15 billion by November.

The document argues that because climate change is a multi-faceted challenge, the global response post-2020 must integrate the central role of the UNFCCC with other international venues. It notes that the UNFCCC and Kyoto Protocol already recognize a division of labor, specifically delegating the regulation of emissions from international aviation to the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) and from shipping to the International Maritime Organization (IMO).