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The document analyzes the evolution of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda in the UN Security Council, noting a shift from consensus-based norm expansion to a period of 'backlash' and 'pushback' since 2019. It identifies specific threats to norms regarding sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) and women's civil society participation, often driven by actors like Russia, China, and the US (under the Trump administration). Despite these challenges, the authors highlight the role of elected members (E10) in maintaining progress through 'shared commitments' and the integration of WPS language into day-to-day Council decisions. The paper argues that while the Council's overall legitimacy is declining due to stalemates over conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza, it remains a critical arena for defending women's rights against global authoritarian trends.

The document examines the evolution of stabilization clauses in the extractive sector, arguing for a shift away from 'freeze' and 'economic equilibrium' clauses toward a model based on the 2021 OECD Guiding Principles. It distinguishes between non-fiscal stabilization, which it argues should be abandoned to protect the state's right to regulate for the public interest, and fiscal stabilization, which should be limited to specific, time-bound commercial needs. The guide provides detailed model language for laws and contracts to ensure revenue certainty for governments and predictability for investors, while explicitly excluding the use of stabilization to protect against anti-tax avoidance measures or climate-related regulations.

The document examines the inequitable resource interdependency between Europe and Africa, where Africa provides critical minerals and energy resources but does not benefit fully from the resulting wealth. It argues that current EU directives and African initiatives are insufficient to address illicit tax outflows and governance deficits. The authors propose the adoption of 'extractive justice'—comprising distributive, recognitional, and procedural justice—to create a symbiotic relationship and reduce resource-related conflicts.

The NAP Global Network supported Benin, Côte d'Ivoire, Ethiopia, Guinea-Conakry, Madagascar, and Togo in conducting gender analyses to ensure climate adaptation investments are equitable and sustainable. The process involved institutional, normative, and technical analyses to identify how gender dynamics influence climate vulnerability and adaptation capacity. Key findings highlight a gap between existing general gender policies and their application in climate planning, as well as significant gender disparities in education, decision-making, and sectoral roles. The document recommends a participatory, multi-expert approach to gender analysis and emphasizes the role of the Green Climate Fund (GCF) in incentivizing gender-responsive NAPs.

The report examines the normative tensions inherent in security preparedness, identifying ten central ethical problems regarding priorities, responsibilities, and the distribution of costs and benefits. It evaluates these problems through various ethical theories—including consequentialism, contractualism, and deontology—and assesses existing guidelines like the Sendai Framework and Council of Europe principles. The document concludes by proposing a three-part framework to evaluate the ethical legitimacy of specific security policies based on human rights principles.

The paper analyzes the evolution of the 'Women, Peace and Security' (WPS) framework, centered on UN Security Council Resolution 1325. While the author notes rapid normative spread and broad political acceptance among member states and regional organizations, she highlights a significant failure to translate these norms into practice. This is evidenced by low female representation in UN peace operations and political missions, insufficient funding, and a lack of accountability at leadership levels. The author argues that while shifting global power dynamics and opposition from states like Russia and China pose risks, the continued pressure from transnational women's networks remains the primary driver for future progress.

The document analyzes the Colombian peace process as a case study for the 'peace versus inclusion' dilemma. While the agreement is noted for its historic inclusivity regarding women and LGBTQ rights, these progressive elements contributed to its initial rejection in a 2016 referendum. The author explores how the pursuit of 'positive peace' (structural change) can clash with the need for public legitimacy and how referenda can paradoxically polarize populations and undermine long-term implementation.

The brief contends that Argentina's decision to freeze water tariffs during its 2001 economic crisis was a necessary action to ensure the human right to water, which is protected under various international treaties and the Argentine Constitution. It argues that human rights law should inform the adjudication of the dispute, specifically regarding 'fair and equitable treatment' and 'indirect expropriation' standards in BITs. The authors assert that investors cannot legitimately expect a state to disregard its human rights obligations, and that measures taken to protect public health fall under the 'police powers' of the state, thus precluding them from being classified as compensable expropriations.

The report analyzes UN discourse on small arms and light weapons (SALW) from 2001 to 2003, concluding that gender perspectives remain marginalized. The authors find that when gender is mentioned, women are almost exclusively characterized as passive victims, while the specific impacts on men and the active roles of women as peace-builders are largely ignored. While NGOs and international organizations demonstrate a more nuanced understanding of gender, member state delegations often lack expertise or prioritize other issues. The document recommends bridging the gap between gender experts and policymakers through targeted education and coordinated advocacy to ensure that the 2006 Review Conference on SALW reflects the diverse experiences of both men and women.

The document analyzes the US-Taliban peace process leading up to the 2021 takeover of Kabul, arguing that the US prioritized its own military disengagement over the survival of the Afghan government it helped create. By excluding the Afghan government from direct negotiations and making commitments on its behalf, the US undermined the legitimacy and leverage of the republican state, paving the way for the Taliban's return to power.

The document analyzes the role of the Assembly of Civil Society (ASC) in the Guatemalan peace process (1990–1996). While the ASC successfully influenced agreements on indigenous rights, it was marginalized during sensitive negotiations on the Truth Commission to avoid derailing the peace process. The author argues that this illustrates a conflict between process-related norms (inclusivity) and the paramount goal of stopping violence, suggesting that international support should shift toward empowering civil society during the implementation phase of peace agreements.

The document argues that mediation gatekeeping—the process of defining the 'terms of reference' for who may participate in negotiations—has systematically excluded Palestinians, either as a whole people, as a political entity (the PLO), or as a specific political group (Hamas). It examines three phases: the 1940s UN-led armistice negotiations, the 1970s US-led diplomacy, and the 2000s Quartet demands. The author contends that while exclusionary formats can simplify processes or end specific bilateral conflicts, they often fail to address the core grievances of the conflict, thereby making long-term, sustainable peace more difficult to achieve.

The document analyzes the ethical dilemmas of trust and fairness during the JCPOA negotiations (2013-2015). It argues that while deep-seated distrust between the US and Iran initially hindered progress, a shift in US policy and the efforts of second-tier negotiators helped build a 'minimal' level of trust necessary for a procedurally fair agreement. However, the authors contend that the use of threats and sanctions undermines this trust, and the decision to limit the agreement's scope for short-term success may have jeopardized its long-term sustainability, as evidenced by the US withdrawal in 2018.

The Astana process, initiated by Russia and co-sponsored by Turkey and Iran, emerged in 2017 as a parallel track to UN-led peace talks in Syria. While it achieved some tangible results in ceasefire and de-escalation, the document argues that it has been heavily instrumentalized by its sponsors to serve their own geopolitical interests. This has led to significant deficits in representation, as participants were selected based on political preferences rather than inclusivity, and a lack of Syrian ownership, effectively transforming the Syrian crisis into a negotiation among three external 'guarantor powers'.

The paper examines the 'energy-poverty-climate' nexus, arguing that global climate policy must support 'development without carbon' to be equitable and viable. It contends that current climate-economics models often assume pessimistic, low-growth scenarios for the poorest countries, which artificially increases the 'emissions space' available for rich nations and reduces the urgency for their mitigation. The author advocates for a framework of 'common but differentiated responsibilities,' where high-income countries bear the financial burden of decarbonizing development in low-income regions to avoid a zero-sum conflict between poverty eradication and the 2°C temperature goal.