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This research paper examines the evolving role of African nations in international affairs following the Cold War, noting a shift from being passive objects of foreign policy to gaining relevance through multilateralism and consensus-based decision-making, despite continued financial dependency.

The research paper examines the stalled Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations between the EU and the SADC, highlighting that the Trade Cooperation and Development Agreement (TDCA) already liberalises most trade between South Africa and the EU. It identifies agricultural market access and the EU's demand for the protection of geographical indications (GIs) as the primary remaining points of contention. The author argues that because South Africa refuses to negotiate on services, investment, and competition policy, concessions on agriculture may be the only way to reach a deal, which could potentially undermine the Southern African Customs Union's common external tariff if a final agreement is not reached by 1 January 2014.

Indian mining companies in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) operate on a small to medium scale compared to Western and Chinese firms, primarily growing through profit reinvestment rather than state or external capital. While companies like Rubamin, Chemaf, and Somika contribute to copper and cobalt output in Katanga, they face criticism over environmental pollution and labor conditions. Mining Mineral Resources (MMR) is strategically positioning itself as a producer of 'conflict-free' tin and tantalum through tagging and the construction of a domestic smelter. The primary risk to these operations is political instability following the departure of Katanga's governor, Moïse Katumbi.

The report examines the decline of the Nile perch fishery in Uganda's portion of Lake Victoria, highlighting a significant gap between regional policies and local implementation. It identifies overfishing, illegal gear, and a regional trade in immature fish as primary threats, while noting that governance is hampered by corruption, inadequate funding, and stalled legislation.

Since the return to civilian rule in 1999, Nigeria has shifted its foreign policy to prioritize domestic economic development and political stability over the pursuit of regional prestige. The country has pursued a 'charm offensive' to remove its pariah status and has balanced strategic partnerships with traditional powers (US, UK, France, Russia) and emerging powers (China, India, Brazil). Key priorities include debt relief, infrastructure development, and security cooperation, with a particular emphasis on 'exchanging oil for development' in its relations with China and Brazil.

The Sicomines agreement is a multibillion-dollar barter deal where a Chinese joint venture (Sicomines) received mining titles in the DRC's Katanga Province in exchange for constructing transport and social infrastructure funded by China Exim Bank loans. Originally signed in 2007 and renegotiated in 2009, the deal reflects a shift in global political economy and China's consolidated role as a foreign policy actor. The 2009 amendments, which reduced the infrastructure component to a maximum of $3 billion and removed the Congolese state guarantee for mining investments, aligned the agreement with the preferences of the IMF and World Bank. This shift was driven partly by China's own ambition to take a more active role within the IMF. While the investment benefits the DRC's mining sector, the ultimate value of the deal depends on the pricing and monitoring of the infrastructure projects, managed by the Congolese Agency for Public Works (ACGT).

China is increasingly engaging in post-conflict settings in Africa, though it lacks a uniform policy framework. Its approach is characterized by a preference for non-interference, a belief in indigenous African agency, and the prioritization of economic modernization and infrastructure over political reform. In Sudan, China has transitioned from a political patron of Khartoum to a more complex role involving participation in UN and AU peacekeeping missions, providing humanitarian aid in Darfur, and establishing diplomatic relations with the Republic of South Sudan. While China's bilateral model offers rapid infrastructure delivery and financing, the document suggests that future success depends on aligning Chinese assistance with African-led strategies and enhancing synergies between bilateral and multilateral efforts.

China views BRICS as a platform to build peer group viewpoints and collectively reshape a global governance structure currently led by Western powers. While China seeks a multi-polar order based on fairness and justice, the document notes that BRICS faces challenges in setting a global agenda, evidenced by failures to agree on an IMF head candidate and the Libya issue. The author suggests that BRICS should focus on internal economic cooperation and a gradual approach to transforming the world order, with South Africa's membership expected to enhance development cooperation in Africa.

The research paper examines how the US adapted to asymmetric warfare after 9/11 by rapidly expanding its use of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and Special Forces. It details the scale of UAV deployment, the shift toward 'network-centric' warfare, and the resulting geopolitical tensions and ethical risks, such as the 'Playstation syndrome' and the potential for a global arms race involving Russia and China. The author also highlights the role of the Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) and the Navy SEALs in covert operations across multiple continents, arguing that these developments have revolutionised 21st-century warfare and necessitate international legal scrutiny, particularly regarding operations in Africa.

This research paper examines the role of Industrial Development Zones (IDZs) and special trade zones in attracting investment and stimulating exports, comparing South Africa's approach with that of major global trading partners and providing recommendations for further incentives to attract foreign direct investment.

The report finds that while Lesotho has established necessary legal and policy frameworks, actual implementation of APRM recommendations is weak and lacks direct linkage to the APRM process. The country received an overall 'orange minus' rating, indicating some progress but significant gaps in execution and 'branding' of initiatives as APRM-related.

The document argues that SADC's approach to the Zimbabwean crisis is heavily shaped by a 'club of brother presidents' mentality, where former liberation movements (including ZANU–PF, ANC, MPLA, FRELIMO, SWAPO, and CCM) prioritize solidarity over democratic pressure. This historical conservatism has led to a policy of 'quiet diplomacy' and a reluctance to compel ZANU–PF to fully implement the Global Political Agreement (GPA). The author notes that ZANU–PF has strategically reinvented its history to strengthen ties with regional partners and frame the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) as a Western 'Trojan Horse'. The paper concludes that the MDC's lack of liberation credentials isolates it within a region where ruling parties still derive legitimacy from anti-colonial struggles.

The paper examines the rise of emerging powers, specifically the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), and their impact on global leadership and norms. It argues that the 'decline of the West' is exaggerated, as emerging powers often emulate Western modernity and liberal economic reforms. The author critiques the BRICS forum as a 'political club' lacking a unifying agenda and suggests that South Africa's membership is a 'strategic blunder'. Instead, the paper recommends that South Africa develop a rigorous commercial diplomacy approach to leverage economic opportunities within Africa and engage emerging powers on a bilateral basis to navigate 'institutional voids' such as corruption and bureaucratic inefficiency.

The document examines the role of services in SADC economies, noting that while the sector is a primary driver of GDP and employment, it is often characterized by inefficiency and high costs. It compares two primary regulatory frameworks: the EU-SADC EPA, which is described as more ambitious and driven by EU interests, and the SADC Protocol on Trade in Services, which is viewed as less ambitious and unlikely to push member states beyond existing WTO commitments. The authors argue that external agreements may provide the necessary stimulus for domestic regulatory reform where political or capacity constraints hinder unilateral action.

The paper argues that while efficient services are essential for industrialisation, generalised services trade liberalisation is not the optimal strategy for South Africa or other developing countries. It highlights the critical linkages between manufacturing and services, noting that manufacturing acts as a primary source of demand for the services sector and that a decline in manufacturing would adversely affect job creation. The author warns against 'premature deindustrialisation' and the loss of policy space resulting from 'GATS-plus' obligations in North-South regional and bilateral agreements, particularly those involving the EU and US. The document concludes that South Africa needs a strategic services trade policy aligned with its Trade Policy and Strategy Framework (TPSF) and industrial goals, rather than a blanket approach to liberalisation.

The document analyzes how African foreign policy is shaped by a persistent state of economic and military weakness, leading to a high dependency on external aid. This dependency often compromises national sovereignty and links domestic governance to international relations. The author identifies a strong continental preference for multilateralism and collective action—exemplified by the African Union and NEPAD—as a means to counterbalance Western influence and resist external domination. However, the paper notes that this collective approach is often hampered by a lack of political will, the influence of individual leaders, and the persistence of illiberal governance. It also highlights a shift in ideological frameworks, with many African states moving away from state-led development toward market-based systems and increased engagement with global investors, particularly China.

The author argues that the African Union (AU) lost its opportunity to lead the Libyan crisis due to a lack of political will, failure to secure support for its road map, and an inability to escalate diplomatic engagement with NATO and the Arab League. The document highlights how UN Security Council Resolution 1973 prioritised the Arab League over the AU, leaving the AU as a marginal observer. To avoid further irrelevance, the author recommends that the AU recognise the Transitional National Council (TNC) and integrate its high-level ad hoc committee into existing international processes like the Libya Contact Group.

The author critiques the 2011 draft White Paper on South Africa's foreign policy, describing it as a "mechanical rehash" of previous policies that relies on clichés and platitudes. While the author welcomes the more inclusive consultation process and the proposal for a South African Council on International Relations, they note a lack of detail on implementation and a failure to address recent diplomatic challenges in Libya and Cote d’Ivoire.

The document examines the economic crisis in Malawi, noting that while the country saw an average of 7% growth over five years driven by debt relief and aid, these funds were largely spent on consumption and a fertilizer subsidy rather than productive capacity. This led to a trade deficit reaching 21% of GDP in 2010 and severe foreign exchange shortages. The author argues that the resulting economic instability, combined with electricity cuts and a poor tobacco season, created the conditions for the 2011 protests.

The document examines the liberalisation of India's service sector since 1991, focusing on telecommunications, banking, higher education, and retail distribution. It finds that while liberalisation has driven significant GDP growth and export increases, the pace and success vary by subsector due to regulatory hurdles, political will, and stakeholder conflicts. The paper emphasizes that successful liberalisation requires strong regulatory frameworks and enforcement capacity, noting that India's multilateral commitments often lag behind its autonomous domestic reforms.