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The document examines the shift in global development dynamics, noting the rise of South–South co-operation (SSC) and the emergence of 'state capitalism', exemplified by China. It argues that while the diversification of partners offers opportunities, African nations must proactively define their developmental interests and improve negotiating capacity to avoid being exploited by rising powers seeking resources. The author recommends that Africa adopt transparency and accountability principles similar to those in North-South aid, utilize national and regional development strategies as frameworks for cooperation, and establish regional codes of conduct for investments, particularly regarding farmland and food security.

The document analyses the global rare earth elements (REE) industry, which is dominated by China with a 97% share of upstream production. It examines how China uses export restrictions and production quotas to leverage its monopoly, aiming to induce foreign downstream producers to relocate to China for technology transfer. The paper highlights the strategic importance of REEs for 'green' technology and military applications, and assesses South Africa's potential to re-enter the market through the Steenkampskraal and Zandkopsdrift projects. It also discusses global reactions, including Japan's efforts to reduce REE reliance and the emergence of junior mining companies seeking non-Chinese sources.

South Africa has long served as a primary entry point for international companies into Africa due to its sophisticated economy, financial hubs, and infrastructure. However, the document argues that its status is being challenged by the rise of regional gateways, increasing competition from other African ports and airlines, and internal issues including labour unrest, high port costs, and power price hikes.

The report assesses the risks associated with Uganda's transition to an oil-producing state, focusing on the Lake Albert region. It identifies significant local grievances regarding land tenure and marginalisation, warns of the 'resource curse' potentially undermining democracy through patronage and militarisation, and examines regional security threats, including the alliance between al-Shabaab and the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

The statement examines the instability of the Arab Spring, the complexities of the 'responsibility to protect' doctrine, and the geopolitical shift toward state capitalism. It specifically addresses South Africa's diplomatic efforts in Sudan and South Sudan, its aspirations within the African Union, and the role of the South African Development Partnership Agency. The author also highlights SAIIA's ranking as the top think-tank in Sub-Saharan Africa and its youth development initiatives.

The document examines the African Union's inability to act decisively during crises, such as in Libya and Côte d’Ivoire, attributing this to limited decision-making powers and divergent interests among its 54 member states. It analyzes South Africa's bid for the AU Commission chair as a signal of its intent to be more assertive in African geopolitics, while noting that its size and dominance can trigger fears of hegemony among other member states. The author suggests that South Africa should 'lead from behind' by building alliances with other states to professionalize the AU rather than seeking formal leadership positions.

The paper examines Kenya's response to maritime piracy, noting that while the country's geostrategic location makes it a crucial actor, its engagement has lacked a coherent domestic strategy. It highlights the economic impact of piracy, the failure of previous prosecution agreements due to resource gaps, and the potential for improved strategic engagement through international conferences and regional cooperation.

This case study examines the factors influencing the Democratic Republic of Congo's participation in multiple Regional Economic Communities, highlighting how political interests and internal economic fragmentation have hindered a coherent regional integration strategy.

The document highlights that while the SADC FTA has facilitated some trade growth, its effectiveness is severely hampered by restrictive Rules of Origin, non-tariff barriers (NTBs), and overlapping regional memberships. Private sector actors report administrative burdens in acquiring certificates of origin and the use of technical barriers to trade as veiled protectionism or revenue-raising tools. The briefing recommends harmonizing technical standards, simplifying Rules of Origin through the Tripartite FTA, and improving customs cooperation to reduce the cost of doing business in the region.

The document examines how the Kimberley Process (KP) failed to address human rights abuses in Zimbabwe's Marange region because its definition of 'conflict diamonds' only covers those used by rebel groups. It details the involvement of Zimbabwean security forces in torture, rape, and smuggling, and the lack of transparency regarding diamond revenues. The authors recommend that the KP expand its definition to include governments, establish local monitoring mechanisms, and require transparency in mining licenses.

The policy brief argues that foreign direct investment (FDI) does not automatically guarantee economic growth or job creation in South Africa. While FDI can offer benefits like skill transfers and market access, the author notes that certain types, such as retail investment by giants like Walmart, may displace local manufacturers and small businesses. The document highlights a decline in FDI flows to South Africa between 2009 and 2010, but suggests this is not necessarily negative if the focus shifts toward strengthening domestic manufacturing capacity and public infrastructure to build long-term economic confidence.

The document analyzes the proposed Tripartite FTA involving 26 member states from COMESA, EAC, and SADC. While the agreement aims for comprehensive liberalization of goods trade, the author argues that the approach to services is conservative and vague, relying on a 'lowest common denominator' strategy. A key area of potential progress is Annex 12, which addresses the movement of business persons, though the author notes critical gaps regarding the definition of 'temporary' movement and the lack of mutual recognition for professional qualifications.

The document details a 2011 conference on India-Africa relations, highlighting the shift toward South-South co-operation and the potential for shared economic growth. It examines the role of the private sector, specifically the success of Indian firms in South Africa compared to Chinese firms, and discusses strategic cooperation in energy, pharmaceuticals, and security. The report also addresses global governance reforms, including the push for permanent seats on the UN Security Council for India and African nations, and the economic nature of climate change negotiations.

The report identifies the top ten business constraints in the SADC region to facilitate policy dialogue and practical solutions. By reviewing World Bank data, World Economic Forum reports, and various Business Climate Surveys, the authors found that SADC countries generally perform poorly in ease of doing business, with Mauritius ranking 23rd and the Democratic Republic of Congo ranking 178th in 2012. The final list of top constraints includes issues such as access to finance, tax administration, lack of skilled labour, policy uncertainty, and infrastructure deficits.

The document argues that Hong Kong serves as a critical hub for South African entry into China due to its free-market economy, legal framework, and logistics infrastructure. It examines the broader China-South Africa strategic partnership, noting that while trade has grown significantly, South Africa struggles with a trade imbalance and a lack of mineral beneficiation. The author suggests that while Hong Kong will remain a key gateway for at least ten years, South Africa should expand its diplomatic presence in other Chinese cities to maintain competitiveness as new regional hubs emerge.

The document evaluates the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS) guidelines, which are based on the German 'social market economy' and 'Ordoliberal' traditions, as a potential navigational system for the G20. The author argues that while a common set of principles is necessary to prevent a default to mercantilism, the KAS framework must be pragmatically adapted to accommodate the divergent national interests and political systems of emerging powers. Key tensions identified include the conflict between Western liberal values and the authoritarian governance of states like China and Russia, as well as disagreements over private property, competition regulation, and the role of the state. The author concludes that the G20 can only succeed if developed nations cede real power and the framework focuses on economic co-operation rather than imposing Western political norms.

The document outlines three primary factors for South Africa's success on the UN Security Council: restoring relations between the African Union and the Council, adopting a coherent approach to African conflicts, and securing a unified voice with other African members, specifically Morocco. It highlights the tension between South Africa's ambition for a permanent seat and the difficulty of building African consensus, citing divisions over Libya, Syria, and the election of Morocco. The author suggests a pragmatic approach to cooperation with Morocco, potentially using the instability in Sudan as a starting point for alliance-building.

The document argues that the 2011 intervention in Libya, led by NATO and driven by European security concerns, has strained the Africa-Europe relationship. It identifies three primary challenges: the hierarchical European framing of North Africa as a distinct security zone compared to Sub-Saharan Africa, disagreements over the 'responsibility to protect' humanitarian norms, and internal divisions within the African Union's foreign policy architecture, specifically between Francophone and Anglophone interests.

The SADC FTA, launched in 2008 based on a 2000 Trade Protocol, aimed for virtually all intra-regional trade to be duty-free by 2012. While compliance with tariff phase-downs has been generally high, the document notes that only 11 of the 14 member states are fully participating, with the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola not implementing the protocol due to economic recovery needs. Challenges persist regarding the restrictive nature of revised rules of origin, the lack of a verification process for non-tariff barrier exceptions, and significant delays in customs clearance compared to trade with non-SADC markets.

The document analyzes the impasse of the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) and proposes a strategic negotiating stance for South Africa. It argues that South Africa should leverage concessions in the services sector to secure greater market access for agriculture and protect its industrial policy space through the NAMA carve-out, particularly considering its obligations within the Southern African Customs Union (SACU).