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Carlsberg Malawi Ltd. (CML) faces significant operational challenges in Malawi, primarily driven by foreign exchange shortages that hinder the import of essential inputs and compromise brand standards. The company also contends with high levels of corruption, poor transport infrastructure, and unfair competition from duty-evading competitors. To mitigate these issues, CML has implemented internal anti-corruption measures, invested approximately MK100 million annually in in-house training to address domestic skill gaps, and is seeking to increase domestic sourcing and exports to reduce reliance on foreign currency.

Sunbird Tourism Limited faces significant operational barriers in Malawi, including a restrictive tax regime, unreliable utility infrastructure, and difficulty recruiting senior management. The company has responded by diversifying its financing through local pension funds, investing in backup power and water systems, and implementing internal trainee management programmes.

The document analyzes the strategic relationship between Russia and South Africa, noting that while political ties are strong and mutually beneficial for challenging existing global governance structures (such as the IMF and G-20), economic cooperation remains significantly underdeveloped. It highlights South Africa's role as a gateway to the African continent and the potential for BRICS to serve as a coordination mechanism for developing nations to increase their bargaining power in global forums. The authors argue that increasing trade and investment flows is essential to making the BRICS forum more credible and reliable.

The document evaluates the transition from the Working Party on Aid Effectiveness to the Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation (GPEDC). It argues that while the new partnership is more inclusive, it struggles with a weak monitoring framework, slow operationalization of indicators, and a governance structure that still feels dominated by Northern paradigms. The author highlights the 'African Consensus' as a tool for continental coherence and notes the reluctance of major South-South providers like China, India, and Brazil to adhere to OECD-DAC standards, suggesting a need for separate Southern effectiveness frameworks.

The document examines Kenya's strategic use of economic diplomacy to position itself as a regional hub for trade and finance in East Africa. It analyzes the interplay between Kenya's foreign policy, its membership in regional economic communities like the East African Community (EAC) and Comesa, and the domestic political risks—including the 2013 elections and ICC cases—that threaten its economic stability. The paper highlights Kenya's dominance in intra-EAC exports and its efforts to diversify its economy through infrastructure projects like the Lapsset corridor, while noting challenges such as corruption and non-tariff barriers.

The policy brief argues that the Mozambique Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (MEITI) is largely ineffective because it only monitors payments already made to the state, whereas the most substantial revenue losses occur earlier during fiscal regime negotiations and tax base declarations. The author highlights that secrecy in contracts and mispricing practices lead to far greater losses than the small discrepancies found in MEITI reconciliation reports. The document recommends that the EITI broaden its scope to monitor all stages of the extractive process and improve transparency regarding fiscal regimes and production values.

The document analyzes the evolution of China's strategies to secure mineral resources in Africa, moving from a primary reliance on 'infrastructure-for-resources' loans to a more diversified approach emphasizing mergers and acquisitions (M&A). While infrastructure-for-resources deals have been effective in locking in long-term supply, they have often failed to secure hard equity assets due to project delays and political instability. In contrast, the 2008-09 global financial crisis enabled Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to use their high liquidity to acquire significant mining and oil assets through M&As, particularly in the mining sector. The author concludes that while the Chinese state remains a critical financier, the strategy has shifted toward more market-oriented, direct acquisitions to reduce reliance on foreign suppliers and gain control over commodity prices.

The document analyzes Senegal's use of patronage, economic influence, and military cooperation to exercise power over Guinea-Bissau from 2000 to 2012. It highlights how Senegal leveraged Guinea-Bissau's instability to secure military support against Casamance separatists, while noting the eventual decline of this influence due to the rise of Angolan involvement and internal Senegalese political shifts.

The document analyzes the shift from top-down public diplomacy to a more interactive digital age, exploring how social media affects political sentiment in China and across Africa. It argues that while technology allows for greater public engagement, its influence on actual policymaking varies by national context. In China, a complex negotiation exists between the state and various levels of public opinion (elite, sub-elite, and popular). In Africa, a 'technological leapfrog' is occurring via mobile access, yet in South Africa, social media has not yet become a significant tool for policy negotiation due to a lack of popular sentiment and deep-seated societal divisions. The author concludes that China–Africa relations remain primarily driven by leadership and economic interests, with public understanding remaining superficial and reactive.

The policy note examines the role of National Programmes of Action (NPOAs) as the primary output of the African Peer Review Mechanism's (APRM) country self-assessment process. It argues that while NPOAs are critical for transparency, accountability, and participatory development, they have been neglected due to a loss of interest in the APRM process and the declining role of National Governing Councils. The author proposes reviving NPOAs by identifying champions, creating channels of influence, finding synergies with African Union structures like NEPAD, and integrating NPOAs with national budgets and development plans.

The 2013 SAIIA Young Leaders Declaration outlines youth-led priorities for the global development agenda following the Millennium Development Goals. It calls for the reduction of structural inequalities, the protection of refugees and displaced persons, and the implementation of sustainable environmental practices. Key recommendations include the creation of 'Green Jobs' in Africa, the adoption of renewable energy systems in South African housing, and the establishment of a global disaster relief network. The declaration emphasizes the need for youth participation in governance and the alignment of national policies with the Sustainable Development Goals and South Africa's National Development Plan for 2030.

The document describes a planned conference, 'The APRM +10: Reviewing a Decade of Peer Learning and Projecting a Future of Governance in Africa', to be held in Addis Ababa in May 2013. It seeks to evaluate the APRM's progress since its 2003 establishment, specifically focusing on the implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs) and the role of civil society in holding member states accountable. The briefing highlights the tension between the voluntary nature of the APRM and the compulsory nature of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG), while calling for better synergies between the APRM and other AU organs, such as the Pan African Parliament and the Peace and Security Commission.

The document describes how South Africa, Brazil, China, and India (the BRICS/BASIC group) have coordinated their efforts in the World Trade Organization and climate change negotiations to advocate for the interests of developing countries. It highlights their role as a counterpoint to advanced economies and their efforts to redefine South-South economic ties through new partnerships with other developing and least-developed nations.

The document argues that while the G-20 provides a more inclusive framework for global economic governance than the G-8, BRICS cooperation within it remains issue-based rather than institutionalized due to diverging national interests. It highlights that Brazil and South Africa share a reliance on soft power and a desire for institutional reform, which strengthens their bilateral alignment. The author identifies two primary areas for BRICS consensus in the G-20: the reform of international financial institutions like the IMF and a shift toward developmental issues. While the BRICS have successfully influenced the G-20 agenda and blocked certain industrialized-nation proposals, they struggle to speak with a single voice on trade and monetary policy.

The document argues that South Africa's inclusion in the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) is justified by its influence in shaping the global economic agenda rather than just its GDP. It highlights how the BRICS, and specifically the BASIC group (Brazil, South Africa, India, and China), have challenged the dominance of advanced economies in the WTO and UNFCCC. The author notes the group's role in promoting South-South cooperation, increasing trade and investment with low-income countries, and pushing for reforms in the IMF and other Bretton Woods Institutions to better reflect current global economic realities.

The document analyzes South Africa's role as a 'middle power' and 'systems stabiliser' within the G-20 and BRICS. It argues that while South Africa uses these platforms to enhance its global profile and champion the 'African Agenda', its positions on finance and food security are often generalist rather than grounded in specific domestic strategies. The paper evaluates the potential of the BRICS Bank to address infrastructure gaps in Africa and highlights the lack of a cohesive collective identity among BRICS members, which limits their ability to act as a unified counterweight to the G-7. It concludes that South Africa must better align its external engagements with measurable domestic development imperatives to avoid 'bureaucratic capture' and ensure tangible benefits for its citizens.

The document outlines the Chinese view of South Africa as a critical 'bridge' between the BRICS nations and the African continent. It highlights the 'comprehensive strategic partnership' between China and South Africa, noting that while economic complementarity is strong, challenges exist regarding South Africa's investment environment and trade imbalances. Chinese analysts argue that South Africa's domestic political stability and regional leadership provide it with 'irreplaceable unique advantages' that enhance the BRICS' collective voice in reforming global economic governance, particularly within the IMF and G-20.

The document argues that South Africa's current trade policy is too defensive and focused on domestic industrial concerns, leaving its exporters disadvantaged in fast-growing emerging markets. It identifies key global trends—including the shift of growth toward BRIC economies, the re-orientation of Chinese demand toward domestic consumption, and the rise of regional trade agreements—that necessitate a strategic shift. The authors propose diversifying exports, simplifying tariff structures to facilitate free trade agreements, establishing duty-free export zones to attract global supply chains, and deepening integration within Africa to leverage the region's growth.

The document examines South Africa's role in global economic governance, analyzing the tension between liberal democratic values and domestic political pressures. It evaluates South Africa's alignment with the KAS guidelines, concluding that while current policies are generally compatible, future trajectories are uncertain due to internal factional battles within the ruling tripartite alliance and a potential shift toward state capitalism.

The document analyzes India's relationship with the KAS guidelines, a framework for global economic governance. It argues that while India supports the guidelines in the realm of financial market regulation, it faces significant domestic hurdles in implementing them within its 'real economy'—specifically regarding agriculture, land rights, and social welfare. The author highlights a tension between India's role as a G-20 member and its internal needs as a developing economy with a large rural population and complex federal politics.