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This briefing evaluates the G20's performance regarding the interests of sub-Saharan African countries, noting that South Africa is the only member from that region. The assessment uses five specific criteria to analyze summit outcomes and provides recommendations for improving G20 responsiveness to African concerns and increasing African influence on G20 policies.

This research paper examines the gap between the African Union's democratic governance goals and the actual practices of its member states. It highlights a lack of political commitment to regional standards and a deficit in moral leadership, while arguing for the global promotion of intrinsic African values like communalism and solidarity to improve the continent's governance image.

The document examines the expansion of transport infrastructure in central and northern Mozambique, driven largely by foreign investment in the mining and energy sectors. It argues that while public-private partnerships could improve connectivity, the current trend of foreign companies building infrastructure for their own export needs risks creating 'enclave' developments with limited trickle-down benefits for local populations. The authors highlight a lack of coherent state planning, weak local capacity, and regional frictions—particularly with South Africa—that hinder the potential for these projects to foster genuine regional integration and national economic growth.

The paper finds that while G-20 documents rarely mention Africa explicitly, they address broader developing country interests, particularly in adapting financial standards and promoting financial inclusion. It highlights the role of the Financial Stability Board (FSB) and the Global Partnership for Financial Inclusion (GPFI) as key channels for African engagement, while noting that African states often lack the supervisory capacity to implement complex international standards like Basel III.

The briefing evaluates G-20 performance regarding sub-Saharan Africa across five criteria: goals, international law, administrative practice, coverage, and coordinated specialisation. It finds that while the G-20's implicit goal of a "more inclusive and sustainable global economy" aligns with African interests, the group's outputs often lack the specificity and accountability needed for meaningful impact. South Africa is noted as the sole African member, which limits broader regional representation in decision-making. The author recommends that African stakeholders use G-20 statements to advocate for action and that the G-20 adopt clearer implementation schedules to improve accountability.

The paper identifies six primary risk factors for conflict in Mozambique: history of violence and political party dynamics, geographic distribution, poverty and inequality, expectations, corruption, and the cost of extraction. While the authors conclude that full-scale civil war is improbable, they warn of a high likelihood of periodic pockets of violence, particularly in resource-rich regions where political opposition is strong and local populations feel marginalised.

The African Governance Architecture (AGA), established by the African Union in 2011, aims to coordinate continental governance initiatives under a 'shared values' agenda. However, the paper identifies critical gaps in its operationalization, specifically a disconnect between governance and security frameworks and an undefined role for the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). The authors argue that integrating the AGA with the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) would transform the latter from a reactive to a pre-emptive tool by using governance assessments to flag potential conflicts. Additionally, the paper suggests the APRM should serve as the primary diagnostic tool for monitoring member states' compliance with shared values instruments, noting that past APRM reports have already identified systemic barriers to domestication, such as bureaucratic red tape and lack of enforcement capacity.

The paper analyzes the funding of African governance institutions, such as anti-corruption commissions and the APRM, and processes like constitutional reform and the EITI. It argues that while government funding is ideal for ensuring national ownership, a mix of donor and state funds is common. The author highlights that funding can be used as a reward for good governance (e.g., US Millennium Challenge Account) or as a tool for donor control (e.g., EU funding of PEFA). The document concludes that mitigating external influence requires a combination of self-assessment processes, adherence to continental or global standards, and the mainstreaming of governance actions into national budgets.

The Simandou Mountain Range in Guinea contains a major 'tier-one' iron ore deposit, but production has been delayed by legal disputes and infrastructure gaps. The document details a contentious history of mining rights involving Rio Tinto and Beny Steinmetz Group Resources (BSGR), including an FBI probe into alleged bribery. It argues that building a new 700 km railway to Conakry is prohibitively expensive and suggests instead refurbishing the 350 km Lamco rail link through Liberia to Buchanan to accelerate production and foster regional economic integration.

This research paper examines the development of green economies within the BRICS nations, analyzing how individual national economic priorities and policy approaches have led to varying levels of adoption and skepticism toward green growth.

The document identifies three primary pressure points affecting South Africa's mining outlook: a negative macroeconomic environment characterized by currency volatility and regulatory uncertainty, structural gaps in infrastructure and skills, and the need to better leverage existing strengths such as reserve size and financial services. It warns that internal instability and global headwinds, including slowing demand from China, are eroding South Africa's competitive edge relative to other sub-Saharan African nations and mature mining jurisdictions.

The document evaluates the transition from the OAU to the AU, noting that while the AU has improved peace and security through supranational norms, it struggles to implement democratic governance reforms. It highlights a disconnect between Africa's recent economic growth and the persistence of poverty and unaccountable leadership. The authors argue that the AU must operationalise the African Governance Architecture and strengthen the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) to ensure that economic gains are sustainable and that the vision of 'Agenda 2063' is realised.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), established in 2003 under NEPAD, is a voluntary governance assessment system where African states evaluate their own political, economic, and corporate governance. By 2013, 33 states had acceded, with 17 completing their first review. The mechanism utilizes a process of self-assessment, expert missions, and high-level peer review to identify deficiencies and implement National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). While the APRM has successfully expanded democratic space and fostered a common governance vocabulary, it faces challenges in integrating NPoAs into national budgets and ensuring consistent high-level oversight of implementation.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), established in 2003 to improve governance in member states, has failed to attract significant media attention despite its potential. The document identifies four primary barriers: the bulky and technical nature of Country Review Reports (CRRs), a lack of understanding of the APRM's complex processes among journalists, a media focus on sporadic events rather than the implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs), and inadequate communication strategies from APRM structures. Furthermore, the paper notes that the APRM's self-assessment questionnaires historically neglected media freedom, only introducing a related question in 2011. Case studies from Zambia, South Africa, Mozambique, and Uganda illustrate that while media-friendly packaging (such as traffic light rating systems) can generate interest, coverage remains intermittent and superficial. The authors argue that the media's watchdog role is essential for monitoring NPoA implementation and recommend the adoption of continental and national media strategies, specialized journalist beats, and increased training to bridge the gap between the APRM and the public.

The paper examines the tension between 'positive' and 'negative' governance values in Africa. While the African Union has established comprehensive frameworks like the APRM and ACDEG to promote transparency, accountability, and human rights, the author argues that a lack of political will and moral leadership hinders their implementation. The document highlights persistent issues such as systemic corruption, political clientelism, the marginalisation of women, and electoral manipulation, while noting that a small group of countries has made significant progress toward democratic governance.

The 2014 South African Youth Communiqué outlines a series of recommendations to global leaders to combat sexual violence in conflict zones. The youth call for zero tolerance for perpetrators, the upholding of UN Resolutions 1325 and 1820, and the integration of sexual violence prevention into the Post-2015 Development Agenda. The document advocates for government accountability through the International Criminal Court and the Rome Statute, security sector reform to address gender imbalances, and the creation of educational awareness campaigns and youth advisory boards.

The 2014 SAIIA Young Leaders Declaration outlines youth-led recommendations for the Sustainable Development Goals, focusing on economic inclusivity, environmental protection, and social equity in South Africa and globally.

The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) is seeking donations for its 'Sponsor a Delegate' campaign, the sole legacy project for its 80th anniversary in 2014. The funds support YOUTH@SAIIA, an outreach initiative that provides high school and university students with skills in diplomacy, research, and public speaking through programmes such as Model United Nations, the Environmental Sustainability Project, and inter-school quizzes. In 2013, these programmes reached over 5,000 learners and educators. SAIIA requests sponsorships ranging from R 200 to R 10,000 to cover costs such as transport, learning materials, and equipment, noting that the average cost per delegate is R 500.

The document analyzes the shift in piracy activity from the Horn of Africa to the Gulf of Guinea. While international efforts led to a dramatic decline in Somali piracy, West African piracy increased in 2012, driven primarily by the theft of refined petroleum products linked to illegal oil bunkering in the Niger Delta. The author highlights the regional approach to security in West Africa, including the 2050 Africa’s Integrated Maritime Strategy (AIMS) and the establishment of an Inter-regional Coordination Centre in Yaoundé, while noting persistent challenges in intelligence gathering and inter-operability.

The paper examines how the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) are being used by the US to counter China's growing influence and how China may use these frameworks to drive its own domestic reforms. It argues that South Africa's current inward-looking trade policy and lack of a strategy for East Asia leave it vulnerable to losing international competitiveness and the devaluation of its trade preferences as the global trading system evolves.