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The document examines the World Bank's historical reluctance to integrate non-economic factors—specifically governance, civil society, and human rights—into its development mission. It argues that the Bank's adherence to a strict interpretation of its Articles of Agreement leads to an ad hoc approach to governance and a failure to protect civil and political rights. While noting progress in 'mainstreaming' public participation and the creation of the Inspection Panel, the author contends that these efforts are often superficial or undermined by an institutional 'culture of approval' that prioritizes loan volume over project quality.

The document argues that exporting pesticides banned in their country of origin to Africa and Central America violates the Bamako Convention, the Central American Agreement, and the Basel Convention, as these substances are defined as hazardous waste by the importing nations. It asserts that European states and other Basel Convention parties (such as Canada, China, and Russia) are failing their international legal and human rights obligations by allowing this trade, which harms health and ecosystems in low- and middle-income countries.

The document argues that the Loss and Damage Fund (LDF) must move beyond procedural participation to a human-rights-based framework that empowers the most affected communities. It recommends establishing robust modalities for Active Observers, creating a community access window for small grants, and implementing an independent grievance redress mechanism. The brief emphasizes that relying on World Bank standards for environmental and social safeguards or information disclosure is insufficient for the LDF's specific mission of climate justice.

The document assesses the Protocol to the Convention on Long-Range Transboundary Air Pollution on Persistent Organic Pollutants (LRTAP POPs Protocol) against the needs of global negotiations. It argues that while the Protocol is a useful first step, it is an inadequate model for a global treaty because it focuses on risk management and emission control rather than total elimination, lacks provisions for developing countries, and relies on a regional framework of developed nations.

The report details the environmental and social harms of offshore oil and gas, from seismic exploration and production to transportation and decommissioning, asserting that these activities exacerbate the triple planetary crises of climate change, pollution, and biodiversity loss.

The document outlines five key areas for designing and implementing virtual or hybrid international meetings to prevent the erosion of public participation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. It emphasizes that while virtual formats can increase access for some, they often lack the depth of in-person interaction and introduce new risks regarding censorship, digital divides, and participant security. The guide argues that in-person meetings should remain the default for high-stakes policy negotiations, while innovative virtual tools should be used as parallel options to expand breadth of participation without consigning civil society to remote access.

The document examines the relationship between the World Trade Organization (WTO) and Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs), arguing that WTO negotiations should preserve MEAs as co-equal bodies of law. It suggests that the WTO's focus on 'least trade restrictive' measures may conflict with the core purpose of many MEAs, which is to regulate or restrict trade in hazardous materials or endangered species. To improve compatibility, the text proposes several practical steps, including sustainability assessments of trade rules, the transfer of environmentally sound technologies via the TRIPS Agreement, and increased coordination between national trade and environment officials. Ultimately, it calls for a multilateral process involving government and non-governmental organizations to ensure coherent international economic and environmental law.

This research paper by Donald M. Goldberg of the Center for International Environmental Law argues that the Montreal Protocol Multilateral Fund (MPMF) provides a superior governance and administrative model for the financial mechanism of the Framework Convention on Climate Change compared to the Global Environment Facility (GEF). The author contends that the MPMF's structure ensures more equitable representation, transparency, and party-led project approval, whereas the GEF is overly dependent on World Bank management.

The paper analyzes the convergence of human rights and environmental law, arguing that a healthy environment is a prerequisite for the enjoyment of fundamental human rights. It explores legal tools within the Inter-American System—such as precautionary measures, admissibility exceptions, and state responsibility for third-party actions—to address environmental degradation. Through a comparative analysis of jurisprudence from the Inter-American, African, and European systems, the author demonstrates how rights to life, integrity, property, and information are increasingly interpreted to include environmental dimensions, emphasizing the state's duty of due diligence to prevent harm from industrial activities.

The document outlines nanomaterial definitions from the ISO, OECD, EU, and various US and Canadian agencies, noting that most center on a size range of 1nm to 100nm. It highlights that the European Union uses a specific particle number distribution threshold (50% or more) and a surface area by volume ratio proxy. The briefing concludes that divergent definitions lead to legal uncertainty, where a substance may be regulated as a nanomaterial in one jurisdiction or product category but treated as a bulk substance in another.

The document argues that the increasing use of manufactured nanomaterials (MNMs) in consumer, industrial, and medical products is leading to their proliferation in waste streams, posing risks to human health and the environment that are not yet fully understood. Signatories demand that governments and companies implement extended producer responsibility, restrict the transboundary movement of MNM waste, and establish a public registry of nano-products in Europe to ensure transparency. The statement also advocates for the development of safe recycling technologies and the integration of waste prevention into publicly funded nanotechnology research to support a safe circular economy.

The Declaration on Waste Containing Nanomaterials argues that the increasing presence of manufactured nanomaterials (MNMs) in waste streams poses risks to human health and the environment due to uncertainties regarding their toxicity. The signatories call for the implementation of full producer responsibility, the restriction of transboundary waste movements, and the creation of an EU-wide public nano-product registry to ensure transparent quantification of waste flows. They further advocate for innovation in waste prevention, the development of safe recycling and disposal technologies, and the establishment of verifiable end-of-waste criteria to support a circular economy without introducing new environmental risks.

The document argues that the increasing use of manufactured nanomaterials (MNMs) in consumer and industrial products creates risks for human health and the environment as these materials enter waste streams. It advocates for a precautionary regulatory approach, including extended producer responsibility, restrictions on transboundary movement of nano-waste, and the development of safe recycling and disposal technologies to support a circular economy.

The document argues that NDCs must be guided by human rights obligations to be both legally compliant and more effective. It provides a comprehensive checklist for evaluating NDCs across nine key areas, including mitigation ambition, participatory planning, gender justice, and the rights of Indigenous Peoples. The guide emphasizes that NDCs should include an urgent phase-out of fossil fuels, avoid reliance on carbon offsets or technological 'false solutions' like CCS, and ensure a just transition that protects labor rights and prevents mining-related human rights violations.

The document argues that human rights-based climate action is a legal obligation under the Paris Agreement and is more effective, as confirmed by the IPCC. It provides a comprehensive checklist for NDCs, emphasizing the need for a 1.5°C warming limit, the phase-out of fossil fuels, and the exclusion of carbon offsets and 'false technological solutions' like carbon capture and storage (CCS). The checklist details requirements for inclusive public participation, gender equality, the protection of indigenous peoples' rights—specifically free, prior and informed consent—and the implementation of a just transition. It also calls for debt-free international climate finance and robust monitoring systems that use disaggregated data by gender, age, and disability.

The document explains that Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) are national plans submitted every five years under the Paris Agreement to show progress toward global climate goals. It argues that human rights-based policies are the most effective form of climate action and that all Paris Agreement parties have obligations to respect and protect human rights, gender equality, and a just transition. The guide urges civil society to act by contacting governments, participating in official drafting processes, reviewing NDCs using a provided scorecard, and holding governments accountable through advocacy or legal action.

The document argues that human rights-based climate action is more effective and a legal obligation for all Parties to the Paris Agreement. It provides a comprehensive checklist for the preparation and evaluation of NDCs, covering mitigation ambition, participatory planning, gender justice, indigenous rights, just transition, adaptation, and accountability mechanisms.

The document argues that the European Commission's conclusions on nanomaterial transparency are biased toward industry interests and ignore the need for an EU nanoregister. It highlights significant data gaps in current REACH registrations, the potential health and environmental risks of nanomaterials like nanosilver, and the benefits of traceability for workers and consumers. The authors contend that a mandatory register would improve risk management and transparency without significantly harming competitiveness or innovation.

The document analyzes the legal necessity of incorporating the Basel Convention's Plastic Amendment into the OECD Council Decision on the Control of Transboundary Movements of Wastes Destined for Recovery Operations. It asserts that any OECD agreement that limits the scope of plastic waste controls beyond what the Basel Convention requires would violate Article 11.2 of the Convention, which mandates 'environmentally sound management' (ESM). The paper rejects three current negotiation options, arguing they either allow for illegal derogations or replace negotiated safeguards with vague 'specifications'. It concludes that if the United States does not withdraw its objection to the amendment, a non-consensus decision is the only legal alternative, which would exclude all plastic waste trade from the OECD Decision's scope and restrict US trade of problematic plastics with Basel Parties.

Civil society organisations argue that the European Commission's 'laissez-faire approach' to nanomaterials creates unnecessary risks to health and the environment. They call for a harmonised framework regulation that includes a legally binding definition, mandatory information requirements, and the 'no data, no market' principle. The paper advocates for a lifecycle approach to governance, mandatory product labelling, and increased funding for environmental, health, and safety (EHS) research.