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The document analyzes the tension between South Africa's early post-apartheid commitment to human rights and its subsequent foreign policy priorities, which shifted toward African solidarity, global governance reform, and strategic relations with powers like China. It highlights specific controversies, such as the treatment of Zimbabwe and the denial of a visa to the Dalai Lama, as evidence of this shift.

The report provides a comprehensive health risk assessment of sanitation technologies, categorizing them into functional groups: user interface, collection and storage/treatment, conveyance, semi-centralized treatment, and reuse/disposal. It identifies critical exposure points for users, workers, farmers, and the community, emphasizing that technical barriers (like storage time and pH elevation) must be combined with socio-cultural behavioral changes (such as hand-washing) to effectively break the cycle of disease transmission. The document analyzes specific technologies—ranging from open defecation and pit latrines to advanced wastewater treatment plants—and provides epidemiological evidence on their impact on diarrhoeal diseases and helminth infections.

The document defines the right to information as a cornerstone of democracy and a fundamental human right, detailing its legal origins in UN declarations and the nine principles for effective legislation. It analyzes the gap between the existence of laws and their practical application, noting that while such laws increase response rates to information requests, challenges like discrimination and bureaucratic resistance persist. The guide emphasizes the critical roles of civil society and the media in advocating for transparency and holding governments accountable.

The document details a seminar featuring Dr. David Zounmenou and Mr. Sandile Zeka, who analyzed the 2008 Ghana elections. Dr. Zounmenou argued that Ghana's peaceful process was due to strong institutional mechanisms, such as a respected code of ethics and a credible Electoral Commission, contrasting this with violence in Kenya and Zimbabwe. Mr. Zeka applied 'mental model' theory to argue that shared internal images of injustice from military rule and common social needs drove Ghana's democratic stability and voting patterns. Both speakers emphasized the need for independent electoral commissions and voter education to prevent electoral violence in Africa.

The document examines the failure of the private sector to drive economic growth in Sub-Saharan Africa, attributing this to the political dominance of elites who extract surplus from producers. It contrasts the vulnerability of African peasants and foreign firms with the relatively stronger private sector in South Africa. The author proposes a new form of democracy that empowers producers through land ownership and independent financial institutions to foster a genuine capitalist market economy.

The document examines the methodological requirements for conducting representative public opinion surveys to support the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It argues that while participatory consultations are useful for public ownership, they often produce biased results. Instead, the author advocates for random probability sampling, noting that relatively small samples (e.g., 1,200 respondents) can provide accurate national estimates. The paper outlines essential prerequisites—such as recent census data and freedom of travel—and warns against the common error of polling only heads of households, which biases results toward older, employed males. It also provides a practical timeline and cost estimate for implementing such surveys in Africa.

The document analyzes the foreign policy platforms of candidates John McCain and Barack Obama ahead of the 2008 US election, arguing that while Africa will likely remain a low priority for any new administration, South Africa can leverage its role as a 'pivotal state' to secure military resources, trade benefits, and health funding. It highlights diverging candidate views on energy—with Obama favoring a 'cap-and-trade' system and McCain supporting increased nuclear power and Alaskan drilling—and suggests South Africa could engage the US on carbon-trading opportunities.

The author contends that Swaziland's absolute monarchy, characterized by a lack of accountability for King Mswati III and the banning of political parties, is unable to address the country's critical challenges. These include extreme poverty, where up to 70 percent of the population may live on less than $1 a day, and a devastating HIV epidemic that has reduced average life expectancy to approximately 30 years. The economy is heavily reliant on subsistence agriculture, which is threatened by climate change, and revenue from the Southern African Customs Union. While the monarchy maintains power through traditional loyalty and control over land, growing resentment over royal extravagance and socio-economic hardship is increasing. The document suggests that Swaziland could look to other African nations like Botswana, Ghana, or Lesotho as models for transitioning to a constitutional monarchy to ensure long-term stability.

The briefing outlines South Africa's expected contributions to the 63rd UN General Assembly, emphasizing the 'African Agenda', the mid-term review of the Millennium Development Goals, and the promotion of South-South cooperation. It highlights the use of the 2010 FIFA World Cup as a catalyst for the 'African Renaissance' and the role of 'quiet diplomacy' in resolving Zimbabwean political conflict.

The Pan-African Parliament (PAP), inaugurated in 2004, currently operates as a consultative and advisory body without legislative, supervisory, or budgetary powers. The document argues that the PAP's institutional weakness stems from the decision by African leaders in 1999 to accelerate its establishment, bypassing the gradual six-stage integration process outlined in the 1991 Abuja Treaty. This premature launch left the PAP without necessary foundations, resulting in a 'disconnection between reality and the expectation' of its contribution to the African Union (AU). Key challenges include poor interaction with other AU organs, a lack of control over its own budget, and a membership system based on nomination from national legislatures rather than direct election by citizens. While the PAP has conducted observer missions to regions such as Darfur, Mauritania, the DRC, and the Central African Republic, many of its resolutions are ignored by the AU executive. The author suggests that the PAP must exploit existing protocol provisions to enhance its visibility and engagement with AU organs to become a relevant institution.

The document examines the relationship between media freedom and good governance, specifically focusing on the omissions within the African Union's African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It argues that without an independent media to act as a watchdog, democratic governance is impossible. The author highlights the prevalence of 'insult laws' across 48 of 53 African countries as a primary barrier to press freedom and suggests specific revisions to the APRM questionnaire to ensure media independence is assessed. Case studies of South Africa, Ghana, Kenya, and Rwanda illustrate varying levels of media freedom and the tendency of official reports to overlook the media's critical role in accountability.

The research paper examines the relationship between media freedom and good governance within the context of the African Union's African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). The author contends that the APRM's failure to mandate free and independent media as a requirement for 'good governance' undermines the mechanism's effectiveness and allows authoritarian regimes to pass assessment tests. The paper analyzes the media landscapes of South Africa, Ghana, Kenya, and Rwanda, noting a general lack of recognition for the media's 'watchdog' role in their national reports. It further highlights the prevalence of 'insult laws' across 48 of 53 African countries, which criminalize criticism of government officials. The document concludes with a proposal to revise the APRM questionnaire to include specific indicators on media freedom, access to information, and the abolition of restrictive press laws.

The seminar analyzed the Pan-African Parliament's (PAP) efforts to uphold democratic principles in Africa, noting that many elections serve as a "façade for democracy within semi-authoritarian systems." Participants discussed the limitations of the PAP as a consultative body and the need to transition from short-term election observation to long-term monitoring and supervision. The report emphasizes the necessity of a common code of conduct for observers and the importance of professional, non-partisan parliamentarians to ensure credible elections.

The document examines how China's 'omni-directional' approach to Africa is being challenged by the realities of the continent. While Western perspectives focus on China's negative impact on African governance via 'no conditions' loans, the author argues that Africa is actually changing China. Specifically, dependencies on energy security and relations with unstable regimes in places like Sudan and Zimbabwe are forcing Beijing to abandon its strict principle of non-intervention in favor of internationally-sanctioned interventions. Furthermore, China's identity as a 'developing country' is becoming unsustainable as it ascends to global economic superpower status, creating tensions between its 'South-South' rhetoric and its actual role as a provider of capital and technology.

The document analyzes two legal pathways for prosecuting Robert Mugabe: the principle of universal jurisdiction and the International Criminal Court (ICC). While legal grounds exist for crimes committed after July 2002—such as 'Operation Murambatsvina' and election violence—the author concludes that prosecution is 'extremely unlikely' due to political obstacles. These include Zimbabwe's lack of ratification of the ICC statute and the likelihood that immunity from prosecution will be a key negotiation point to secure Mugabe's removal from power.

The document examines power-sharing in Burundi, Kenya, Liberia, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone, concluding that while such arrangements are effective for establishing peace and preventing escalation, they provide less clear support for improving long-term good governance.

The paper examines the methodological requirements for conducting credible representative public opinion surveys within the framework of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It contrasts the limitations of 'participatory' consultations—which often suffer from self-selection bias—with the precision of random probability sampling. The author provides technical guidance on sample sizes, the necessity of accurate census data, and the importance of sampling individual citizens rather than household heads. It also outlines the practical costs and timelines for implementing such surveys in Africa, suggesting that national surveys of 1,200 respondents typically cost between $85,000 and $125,000.

The document is a publication catalog from the WRI Institutions and Governance Program, detailing research on the structure and outcomes of natural resource decentralizations. It lists reports, journal articles, and working papers stemming from a 2001 comparative project and subsequent initiatives focused on institutional choice, recognition, and commodity chain analysis. The research covers a wide array of countries across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, examining the intersection of local democracy, property rights, and environmental governance.

The document analyzes the transition of EU-South Africa relations from a development-focused framework to a Strategic Partnership. It highlights the EU's goal of engaging emerging powers and South Africa's role as a regional leader. While the partnership expands cooperation into areas like climate change, energy, and security, the author notes that tensions remain regarding trade agreements and agricultural policies.

The G8 leaders issued a statement on July 8, 2008, condemning the Zimbabwean authorities for conducting presidential elections amidst systematic violence and intimidation. The leaders refused to recognize the legitimacy of any government not reflecting the will of the people and urged a peaceful resolution through mediation and dialogue. They specifically called for the immediate resumption of humanitarian operations and recommended that the UN Secretary-General appoint a special envoy to monitor the political, human rights, and security situation. The G8 also indicated they would consider financial and other measures against individuals responsible for violence.