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Friends of the Earth International condemns the February 8, 2017, murder of 85-year-old Palestinian farmer Suleiman Hammad, who was run over by an Israeli settler near Al-Khader Village. The statement highlights the systematic confiscation of land in Al-Khader, where 85.5% of the village area (Area C) is under full Israeli control and an apartheid wall isolates 562 hectares of territory. The organization calls for international action to stop violations of the Right to Life for Palestinian farmers and the protection of environmental defenders resisting land confiscation.

The report details how the Israeli occupation in the West Bank utilizes environmental degradation, resource expropriation, and restrictive land-use designations as tools for colonization. It highlights the systemic theft of water resources, the dumping of industrial and nuclear waste on Palestinian lands, and the use of 'nature reserves' to justify the displacement of Palestinians and the destruction of their agricultural assets. The document concludes that these environmental crimes are inseparable from the political struggle for Palestinian self-determination.

The report describes a 'ecological Nakba' in the West Bank, where Israeli occupation manifests through the systematic appropriation of land and water, the dumping of toxic and nuclear waste, and the establishment of polluting industries in 'closed zones'. It highlights how environmental protection is used as a tool for land seizure, specifically in areas like Wadi Qana, and details the severe disparity in water access between Palestinian communities and Israeli settlements.

The report details how the Israeli occupation of the West Bank manifests as an 'environmental Nakba,' involving the systematic expropriation of land and water, the dumping of toxic and nuclear waste, and the establishment of polluting industries in 'seam zones.' It highlights specific cases such as the villages of Kafr Dik and Om Elkheir, and the Wadi Qana nature reserve, to illustrate how environmental degradation and 'green washing' are used to displace Palestinians and facilitate settlement expansion.

The document argues that the PLO is in acute need of democratic reform to address widespread distrust in its unelected leadership. It proposes a model of fully proportional representative elections for the PNC based on the geographic distribution of Palestinians globally. While political will exists between Fatah and Hamas following the May 2011 Cairo Agreement, the author identifies significant obstacles, including the risk to Jordanian citizenship for voters in Jordan and pressure from Western powers (the Quartet) who oppose a Palestinian leadership that includes Hamas.

The document examines how the Syrian conflict destabilizes the 'resistance front' (Syria, Iran, Hizballah, and Hamas) and alters regional power balances. In Lebanon, the crisis exacerbates sectarian tensions and threatens Hizballah's strategic supply lines. In the Occupied Palestinian Territories, it has forced Hamas to shift its political alignment from Damascus to Qatar and Egypt, potentially strengthening Hamas relative to Fatah but not necessarily advancing the Palestinian national cause. The authors argue that the 'new Arab cold war' framework is becoming less relevant as the Syrian regime collapses and regional actors like Egypt seek new diplomatic paths.

The paper argues that since 2000, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has shifted from a border struggle back to an ethnic conflict, characterized by a 'status quo' regime of Israeli control. This regime utilizes settlement expansion, the Separation Barrier, and the strategic division of Palestinians to maintain Jewish ethnic superiority. The author contends that the two-state solution is currently unachievable due to deep-seated religious radicalization within the settler movement and the IDF, as well as a US policy focused on process over structural change. The document concludes that Israel will only move toward a two-state accommodation when the international costs of maintaining the current regime outweigh the domestic costs of dismantling it.

The report finds that Hamas maintained the general structure of Palestinian Authority (PA) institutions to ensure constitutional continuity, though it replaced many management-level officials with loyalists. To survive the Israeli-Egyptian embargo, Hamas established a 'tunnel economy' based on smuggled goods and created its own taxation systems. Public services in health and education were maintained through a pragmatic 'division of labour' with the Fatah-led government in Ramallah, which continued to pay salaries for most staff. However, the judiciary was completely restructured into a parallel apparatus. While some conservative cultural shifts were observed, the report concludes that Hamas's actions reflect power politics and crisis management rather than a grand 'Islamic revolution' or a total redesign of government based on religious principles.

The report examines the relationship between the global al-Qaida network and the Palestinian polity, focusing on the Gaza Strip. It argues that al-Qaida has used an offensive propaganda campaign to criticize Hamas for political moderation and has attempted to establish an operational foothold in the region. While the report finds no hard evidence of a formal al-Qaida organization in the Palestinian territories, it notes the emergence of various salafi-jihadi groups that have engaged in violence against 'non-Islamic' targets, Christians, and foreigners. Hamas has generally responded defensively to these challenges, fearing that radical elements within its own movement may be receptive to al-Qaida's message, especially under the pressure of international isolation.

The report argues that while climate change is not the sole cause of conflict, it acts as a 'threat multiplier' in the Levant. It identifies six primary security threats, including increased competition for water, intensified food insecurity, and destabilizing forced migration. The authors emphasize that the region's history of conflict and deep distrust undermine its adaptive capacity, making it more vulnerable to environmental shocks. To mitigate these risks, the report proposes four strategies: fostering a culture of conservation, implementing community-level adaptation, reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and enabling regional cooperation through shared resource management.

A statement by Friends of the Earth International arguing that climate justice is inseparable from Palestinian liberation, as both are driven by the same systems of imperialism, neoliberalism, and colonialism.

Friends of the Earth International argues that climate justice is inseparable from the liberation of Palestine, asserting that both the climate crisis and the genocide in Palestine are driven by the same systems of imperialism, neoliberalism, and colonialism.

Friends of the Earth International argues that climate justice and Palestinian liberation are inextricably linked, as both are hindered by imperialist and neoliberal systems. The organization calls for a global military and energy embargo against Israel, the immediate opening of Gaza's borders, and an end to the complicity of corporate 'climate criminals' such as Chevron, Total, Shell, ENI, and Exxon.

The document outlines the 'Renewables Done Right' framework, which seeks to prevent renewable energy projects from replicating the harms of fossil fuel systems, such as land grabbing and human rights violations. It emphasizes energy sovereignty, sufficiency, and circular economies, using examples from India, Palestine, and Scotland to illustrate the need for community participation, infrastructure investment, and the avoidance of overconsumption.

The research paper examines the 'triangular drama' between Israel, Transjordan, and the UN during the 1949 armistice negotiations. It argues that while official talks occurred at Rhodes under UN Acting Mediator Ralph Bunche, the substantive agreements were reached through secret bilateral channels in Jerusalem and Shuneh. Israel exploited a significant power asymmetry, using military 'facts on the ground' (such as Operation Uvda) and direct blackmail regarding Iraqi troop withdrawals to coerce Transjordan into conceding strategic territory. The author contends that Ralph Bunche, acting as a 'weak mediator' without the support of Great Powers, allowed these secret talks to proceed to expedite the mission, ultimately granting international legitimacy to a treaty negotiated through coercion. The document concludes that the lack of a strong third party to counterbalance Israel's power established a precedent of unsustainable peace in the region.

The document argues that mediation gatekeeping—the process of defining the 'terms of reference' for who may participate in negotiations—has systematically excluded Palestinians, either as a whole people, as a political entity (the PLO), or as a specific political group (Hamas). It examines three phases: the 1940s UN-led armistice negotiations, the 1970s US-led diplomacy, and the 2000s Quartet demands. The author contends that while exclusionary formats can simplify processes or end specific bilateral conflicts, they often fail to address the core grievances of the conflict, thereby making long-term, sustainable peace more difficult to achieve.

The document analyzes Israel's systematic effort to delegitimize and dismantle UNRWA through a 'shadow war' involving physical attacks, legal prohibitions, and an information campaign. It argues that Israel uses accusations of terrorism and antisemitism—specifically targeting school textbooks—as a proxy to undermine the agency's existence and, by extension, the Palestinian right of return. The authors detail the severe humanitarian impact of these actions in Gaza and the West Bank, noting that the culmination of this process was the passage of laws in October 2024 to ban UNRWA's operations in Israel and the occupied territories.

The document argues that the Palestinian self-rule scheme launched by Menachem Begin in December 1977 was a strategic mechanism of 'preventive diplomacy' designed to facilitate the Egyptian-Israeli peace process without conceding any sovereignty or territory to Palestinians. While President Jimmy Carter initially sought a comprehensive peace including Palestinian representation and Israeli withdrawal from the West Bank and Gaza, he eventually accepted self-rule as a temporary starting point. The author contends that Begin never intended to implement the scheme, using it instead to sideline the PLO and maintain Israeli control over the West Bank and Gaza. The process culminated in the 1979 Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty, after which Begin further watered down the autonomy plan and eventually torpedoed the negotiations entirely with the July 1980 Jerusalem Basic Law, which declared Jerusalem the indivisible capital of Israel.

The research examines Norwegian humanitarian aid in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, specifically in health and education. It finds that while NGOs implement RBA principles at a project level, the approach fails to address root causes because the primary duty-bearer, Israel, is hostile to these goals and the donor state, Norway, prioritizes foreign policy and diplomatic relations over a forceful rights-based agenda. This results in aid that provides temporary relief but may inadvertently facilitate the occupation by relieving Israel of its legal responsibilities.