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The report finds that 15 major meat and dairy companies emit approximately 12.8 million tonnes of methane, representing 3.4% of global anthropogenic methane emissions and 11.1% of global livestock methane. The combined greenhouse gas emissions of these companies (734 million tonnes of CO2 equivalent) exceed those of Germany. The document highlights a significant lack of corporate transparency, with 60% of the analyzed companies failing to report total emissions or scope 3 emissions. It calls for binding emission targets, mandatory reporting, and a systemic shift toward agroecology to meet the 1.5°C warming limit.

The report finds that 15 major meat and dairy companies collectively emit approximately 12.8 million tonnes of methane, representing 3.4% of all anthropogenic global methane emissions and 11.1% of global livestock-related methane. The authors highlight a significant lack of corporate transparency, noting that 60% of these companies do not report total emissions across their value chain (Scope 3). The document calls for binding government targets for agricultural emissions and a systemic shift toward agroecological systems to meet the 1.5°C warming limit.

The document examines the legal mechanics of shareholder climate resolutions in Asia, detailing jurisdiction-specific requirements for filing, voting thresholds, and the role of company charter documents. It highlights a general trend toward increased ESG consciousness and regulatory focus on net-zero transitions in the region, while noting that legal landscapes vary significantly between countries.

The Congo Basin, the world's second-largest tropical forest and a critical carbon sink, experienced an increase in deforestation in 2021, reaching 636,000 hectares. While historically low, current trends show that only Gabon and the Republic of the Congo are aligned with the 2030 goal of zero deforestation. Primary drivers include small-scale subsistence agriculture combined with road construction, though industrial mining and logging pose severe risks to intact forest landscapes. Despite the existence of legal frameworks and international funding commitments—such as $1.5 billion from COP26 donors—implementation is hindered by poor governance, land tenure insecurity for indigenous peoples, and a lack of intersectoral policy alignment. The report emphasizes the need for stronger community land rights and more transparent, quantifiable financial mechanisms to protect this vital ecological region.

In 2019/20, Ethiopia's tracked climate finance averaged USD 1.7 billion per year, representing only 7% of its estimated annual needs of USD 25.3 billion. The landscape is heavily dominated by international public finance (92%), with a strong preference for grants (70%) and a focus on adaptation (56%) over mitigation (38%). While the Agriculture, Forestry and Other Land Use (AFOLU) sector received the most sectoral finance (29%), it remains underfunded relative to its 83% contribution to national GHG emissions. Significant barriers to private investment include a highly regulated financial sector, lack of a stock market, and unfavorable collateral policies for SMEs and small-holder farmers.

Global Energy Monitor (GEM) finds that 30 fossil fuel companies are responsible for 43% of the industry's global methane emissions. The analysis identifies the National Iranian Oil Company as the largest emitter and highlights the dominance of Chinese state-owned enterprises in coal mine methane emissions. The report emphasizes that emissions vary based on infrastructure age, operator type, and geographic location, noting that some oil and gas emissions could be reduced at no net cost.

The policy brief argues that the USD 8.5 billion Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) in South Africa relies on a 'de-risking' model that prioritises private finance and Independent Power Producers (IPPs), shifting commercial risks to the state and consumers. This approach is criticised for potentially worsening South Africa's debt profile, increasing energy poverty through higher tariffs, and undermining local renewable energy manufacturing. The authors suggest alternatives including the regulation of PPPs, debt cancellation of 'odious debt' (such as World Bank loans for the Medupi plant), climate reparations, and the implementation of allocative green credit policies to direct investment toward productive, labour-intensive green industries.

The document critiques the South African JETP for prioritising blended finance and public-private partnerships (PPPs), which the authors argue shifts commercial risk to the state while privatising gains. It highlights how this model can increase energy poverty through higher tariffs and hinder local renewable energy manufacturing. The brief suggests alternatives such as regulating private finance, pursuing debt cancellation and climate reparations, and implementing allocative green credit policies.

The document examines the 'fair and equitable treatment' (FET) standard, a controversial provision found in nearly 95% of international investment agreements. It argues that the vagueness of FET leads to inconsistent interpretations by arbitral tribunals, which can result in 'regulatory chill' for states. The brief analyzes five common treaty formulations of FET and concludes that even 'new-generation' agreements often produce the same unpredictable outcomes as older ones. To mitigate these risks, the authors propose three policy options: excluding FET standards entirely, using alternative terminology like 'fair administrative treatment,' or implementing a strictly defined, closed list of breach conditions that explicitly excludes investor expectations.

The document examines the 'fair and equitable treatment' (FET) standard in international investment agreements, noting its prevalence in nearly 95% of such treaties and its role in 83% of treaty-based arbitrations. It argues that the vagueness of FET leads to inconsistent interpretations by tribunals, which can result in 'regulatory chill' for states. The brief outlines five common formulations of FET and suggests three primary policy alternatives: excluding the FET standard entirely, using alternative terminology like 'fair administrative treatment', or implementing a strictly defined, limited FET standard with a closed list of violations.

The document analyzes the 'fair and equitable treatment' (FET) standard, which appears in nearly 95% of international investment agreements and is the basis for approximately 83% of investor-state arbitrations. It argues that the lack of a precise definition allows tribunals to expand the standard's scope, creating legal unpredictability and 'regulatory chill' for states. The brief details five common drafting approaches—ranging from unqualified FET clauses to those linked to customary international law—and concludes that even 'new generation' treaties often produce the same results as older ones. To protect their right to regulate, the authors suggest three policy options: excluding the FET standard entirely, using alternative terminology like 'fair administrative treatment', or implementing a strictly defined, closed list of violations that explicitly excludes investor expectations.

The 2022 Green Central Banking Scorecard evaluates G20 monetary and prudential authorities, finding that most remain insufficiently ambitious in mitigating climate risks. While research and advocacy have improved, the report argues that central banks prioritize analysis over action and are hindered by a commitment to 'market neutrality' and flawed taxonomies. The Banque de France is the top-ranked institution, while Saudi Arabia is the lowest. The report recommends implementing green lending schemes, increasing capital requirements for fossil fuel exposures, and adopting a 'double materiality' framework to account for the financial sector's impact on the environment.

The document examines how anti-fossil fuel norms—specifically the phase-out of coal, oil, and gas, the end of public financing for fossil fuels, and subsidy reform—can overlook the needs of marginalized communities and the Global South. It argues that while these norms create political momentum, they risk causing unintended inequitable consequences, such as asset stranding in developing nations, unless paired with financial support and a focus on energy access.

The document argues that the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated existing inequities in the UNFCCC process, particularly for Global South negotiators and civil society organizations. It highlights how travel restrictions, vaccine inequality, and the digital divide hindered participation and coordination, while broader geopolitical power dynamics and aid dependencies allowed Global North countries to maintain disproportionate influence over negotiation outcomes. The authors recommend short-term funding and logistical reforms, long-term institutional changes such as capping delegation sizes and shifting COP venues to the Global South, and a broader effort to decolonize research and build allyship to shift global power dynamics.

The report estimates that the global military carbon footprint is approximately 5.5% of global emissions, which would make the global military sector the fourth largest national carbon footprint in the world, exceeding that of Russia. The authors argue that military emissions are systematically under-reported due to voluntary reporting obligations under the Paris Agreement and a lack of robust data collection. Using a methodology based on personnel numbers, stationary emissions, mobile-to-stationary ratios, and supply-chain multipliers, the study estimates operational GHG emissions (scopes 1 and 2) at approximately 500 MtCO2e, or 1.0% of global GHGs. The report notes these figures are conservative as they exclude the 'global military carbon bootprint'—emissions from warfighting impacts such as infrastructure damage and ecosystem destruction.

The document provides an overview of COP27, the 27th United Nations conference on climate change, which brings together approximately 200 countries to discuss plans for reducing carbon emissions to limit global temperature rise to 1.5C. It identifies three overarching themes for the conference: emissions reductions, climate finance, and prioritising people through the lens of 'loss and damage'.

The report finds that new oil and gas developments in the North Sea could produce up to 984 megatonnes of CO2 equivalent, potentially causing the UK to exceed its 2023-2037 carbon budget by a factor of two. It argues that the development of the 21 largest undeveloped fields is incompatible with limiting warming to 1.5°C and that the government's Climate Compatibility Checkpoint system fails to account for all climate risks. Additionally, the report states that these developments would not lower energy prices for UK consumers.

ClientEarth calls on Prime Minister Rishi Sunak to uphold the UK's climate ambitions, specifically requesting a review of the Retained EU Law Bill and a reconsideration of environmental deregulation in investment zones. The organization advocates for accelerating the transition to renewables and insulating buildings to address the energy and climate crises simultaneously, while urging the UK to remain a reliable international partner on climate action following its COP26 Presidency.

The document outlines the strategic importance of the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) in a global security landscape characterized by a severe trust deficit and the collapse of many arms control treaties. The authors argue that the CWC serves as a vital remaining pillar for international cooperation on nonproliferation. They highlight risks of chemical weapons proliferation driven by hybrid warfare, technological convergence of chemistry and biology, and the erosion of the 'taboo' against chemical weapon use. The text recommends maintaining technical 'on-ramps' for future elimination missions, shifting toward 'deterrence by denial' through enhanced defensive capabilities, and increasing public awareness of WMD risks and historical elimination successes.

The document argues that power grids must become the backbone of the energy system to achieve a carbon-neutral economy by 2050, transporting 50% or more of Europe's energy. It identifies critical barriers including underinvestment, lack of data transparency, inefficient connection queues, and fragmented system planning. Ember recommends shifting to a "first ready, first served" approach for grid connections, introducing clear investment incentives, and establishing an integrated, system-level planning framework coordinated by an independent body to ensure grid development anticipates rather than lags behind clean energy growth.