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The document argues that Internet policy must move beyond technical management to include broad societal impacts on rights, security, and sustainable development. It advocates for a multistakeholder model involving government, the private sector, civil society, and academia to ensure legitimacy and effectiveness. The toolkit details eight specific tools—ranging from expert roundtables and policy mapping to online surveys and public forums—designed to generate evidence and foster public consent. It emphasizes 'adaptive policy making' and the principle of subsidiarity, suggesting that policy action should occur at the lowest jurisdictional level consistent with effectiveness.

The report examines the ICT and Internet policy landscape in Togo, highlighting a history of political instability that hindered early policy development. Through surveys and workshops, it identifies critical needs for affordable broadband, cyber security laws, and inclusive multistakeholder dialogue. It argues that the Internet can drive sustainable development in Togo's phosphate and agriculture sectors if supported by proactive government coordination and private sector investment.

The report details a conference on Sino-African Union cooperation in peace and security, exploring the intersection of China's economic engagement and Africa's security architecture. Key discussions focus on the 'African solutions to African problems' principle, the role of Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like ECOWAS and IGAD, and specific conflict zones such as the two Sudans and Somalia. While acknowledging China's role in infrastructure and condition-free aid, the report highlights concerns regarding environmental degradation, the influx of cheap goods, and the impact of arms supplies. It recommends a shift from ad-hoc crisis reaction to a proactive role for China, emphasizing capacity building for the AU's African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS).

The document analyzes the International Bar Association's Model Mining Development Agreement (MMDA 1.0), providing a template and narrative to ensure mining contracts promote sustainable development, transparency, and equitable resource distribution. It details key contractual areas including land tenure, royalties, taxation, and community obligations, while emphasizing the use of international standards like the IFC Performance Standards and EITI. Additionally, the report investigates the existence of similar model agreements for the oil and gas sector, concluding that no internationally accepted model currently exists despite the availability of various national form contracts.

Former President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah details Sierra Leone's transition from a failed state characterized by a brutal civil war (1991–2002) to a functioning democracy. He attributes the conflict to bad governance, corruption, and the influence of the Liberian conflict, while highlighting the role of international interventions (ECOMOG, UN, UK, US) and internal reforms in restoring peace. The report emphasizes the importance of constitutional adherence, security sector reform, and the fight against corruption in sustaining stability.

The document examines how National Agriculture and Food Security Investment Plans (NAFSIPs) in 14 African countries can be leveraged for climate-smart agriculture. Using a rapid screening methodology, the study finds that approximately 60% of planned activities in these plans address slow-onset climate change, while 18% address extreme events and 19% focus on mitigation. The paper concludes that all reviewed NAFSIPs have potential for both extreme event adaptation and climate mitigation, and recommends further analysis of cost-effectiveness, financing sources, and the integration of innovative climate financing mechanisms to transform these plans into climate-smart interventions.

The document outlines three primary factors for South Africa's success on the UN Security Council: restoring relations between the African Union and the Council, adopting a coherent approach to African conflicts, and securing a unified voice with other African members, specifically Morocco. It highlights the tension between South Africa's ambition for a permanent seat and the difficulty of building African consensus, citing divisions over Libya, Syria, and the election of Morocco. The author suggests a pragmatic approach to cooperation with Morocco, potentially using the instability in Sudan as a starting point for alliance-building.

The 2011-2012 CDKN Partner Survey reveals high satisfaction with the network's information products, particularly its publications and newsletter, with higher approval ratings from partners in the South. While over 83% of respondents found CDKN effective at facilitating knowledge sharing, there were significant criticisms regarding its procurement processes and the administrative burden placed on partners, especially smaller organisations and individual consultants. Partners suggested a greater focus on grassroots support in developing countries and the creation of more practical, field-based partnerships.

The document argues that increasing Africa's education spending from 4% to 4.8% of GDP could lead to universal primary education by 2030 and universal basic education by 2035. Using the International Futures (IFs) model, the authors project that this investment would add US$ 2.5 trillion to Africa's GDP by 2050, while significantly reducing child malnutrition, extreme poverty, and the probability of state failure. However, the report notes that these gains require a long-term horizon and a reallocation of government funds away from other sectors like health and the military.

The document details the consequences of a surge in foreign land acquisitions in Africa, driven by global food and energy demands. It highlights the erosion of local land rights, lack of transparency in contracts, and the marginalization of women. It proposes a parliamentary roadmap including land reform, mandatory community consent, and a potential moratorium on large-scale land acquisitions to ensure investments benefit local populations.

The document details the outcomes of a July 2011 seminar on foreign investment in African arable land and water. It identifies the drivers of 'land grabbing'—including biofuel demand and food insecurity in Gulf and Asian states—and analyzes the negative impacts on rural populations, particularly women. The report highlights a systemic lack of transparency in investment contracts and the weakness of national land laws, which often allow governments to allocate land despite existing community use. It proposes a parliamentary roadmap focusing on legislative oversight, the requirement of free, prior, and informed consent, and the potential for a moratorium on large-scale land acquisitions until robust governance frameworks are established.

The document details the outcomes of a July 2011 seminar on 'land grabs' in Africa, highlighting how large-scale foreign investments often undermine local land rights, water access, and gender equality. It argues that current investment models frequently lack transparency and fail to deliver promised socio-economic benefits. The report calls for a temporary moratorium on large-scale land acquisitions, the adoption of the Maputo Declaration's 10% budget allocation for agriculture, and a stronger role for parliamentarians in overseeing contracts and protecting community rights.

The document analyzes the AU's framework for democracy promotion, specifically its rejection of unconstitutional changes of government. It details the evolution of this principle from the Lomé Declaration of 2000 to the 2007 African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, and discusses the 'democrat's dilemma' where popular uprisings to remove authoritarian leaders conflict with strict constitutionalism. The author argues for more consistent application of sanctions against leaders who refuse to leave office after elections and suggests the Pan-African Parliament develop guidelines for managing civilian-led transitions to democracy.

The document outlines four decades of activism by Friends of the Earth International, highlighting specific successes in banning commercial whaling in Spain, prohibiting open-pit mining in Costa Rica, and establishing the first climate change law in the UK. It details diverse campaigns against coal power in Germany, oil pollution in Nigeria, and genetically modified organisms in Europe, while emphasizing the role of grassroots mobilization and legal action in achieving environmental protections and human rights.

This report highlights the achievements of Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) over four decades, detailing specific campaigns against extractive industries, pollution, and unsustainable development. It documents legal victories, such as the ban on open-pit mining in Costa Rica and the recognition of water as a human right in Uruguay, as well as grassroots successes in reforestation in Belgium and the protection of eucalyptus forests in Australia. The text emphasizes the role of international solidarity and legal action in challenging neoliberal globalization and protecting the rights of indigenous peoples and local communities.

The report documents various environmental and social justice campaigns led by Friends of the Earth (FoE) member groups across the globe. Key achievements include the 2008 UK Climate Change Act, a ban on open-pit metal mining in Costa Rica (2010), and the cessation of commercial whaling in Spain (1985). The document also details ongoing resistance against coal-fired power plants in Germany and Scotland, gas flaring in Nigeria, and the impact of large-scale dams in Mozambique, South Korea, and the Philippines. It emphasizes a strategy of combining grassroots mobilization, legal challenges, and international solidarity to combat corporate globalization and protect indigenous and community rights.

The report examines the state of ICT and Internet policy in West Africa, highlighting the transition from state-led telecommunications to private-sector-driven growth. It details a survey conducted across seven West African countries and Kenya, which reveals overwhelming support for national multi-stakeholder Internet governance forums (IGFs). The findings emphasize that while mobile penetration has grown rapidly, significant gaps remain in broadband access, digital literacy, and regional interconnectivity. The document argues for a holistic policy approach that integrates Internet governance with sustainable development goals, including environmental stewardship and e-governance, while advocating for a shift from top-down government control to inclusive, multi-stakeholder dialogue.

The communiqué from the July 2010 Kampala conference identifies critical areas for improving the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). Key recommendations include the urgent need to fill the vacant CEO position of the APRM Secretariat, the integration of National Programmes of Action (NPOA) into national budgeting and planning, and the requirement for National Governing Councils to maintain institutional independence with a non-executive majority. The document emphasizes that while twelve countries had completed reviews by 2010, the pace of accession and execution remains slow, urging all 53 African states to join the mechanism.

The policy brief examines the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP), a pan-African framework designed to improve food security and environmental resilience. While international support has surged—including a $1 billion implementation fund and G8 commitments—the document highlights a critical gap in African leadership and policy capacity. It argues that without strengthening the expertise of those managing the policy process, Africa cannot fully optimise this support to achieve its target of 6% annual agricultural growth. The brief also notes that CAADP's inclusive structure provides a more legitimate and durable governance model for agricultural research and development (ARD) than previous programmes.

The policy brief evaluates the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a governance monitoring tool designed to foster political stability and sustainable development in Africa. The author identifies ten reasons for optimism, noting that 29 African countries have voluntarily joined the process and that the mechanism has accelerated its pace of reviews over time. While the author acknowledges that the system struggles to hold heads of state accountable for specific crises, the APRM has produced comprehensive reports that identify systemic weaknesses and has led to tangible governance gains in countries like Ghana, Rwanda, and Kenya. The brief concludes that the APRM empowers citizens through participatory assessment and promotes peer learning among states, though it requires more transparent leadership and better documentation of successes to maintain momentum.