Search Climate Insights Directory

The World Resources Institute (WRI) and its subsidiaries reported total assets of $261,740,321 as of September 30, 2020, an increase from $169,995,735 in 2019. The organization's total operating revenues for the 2020 fiscal year were $235,894,882, with total operating expenses of $143,915,998. Independent auditors Grant Thornton LLP issued an unmodified opinion on the financial statements and confirmed compliance with the major federal program identified as the USAID Hay Tao Program. WRI's work focuses on seven critical issues: Climate, Energy, Food, Forests, Water, Cities and Ocean, supported by disciplinary centers in Business, Economics, Finance, and Governance. The organization maintains a donor-restricted endowment of $25 million (cost basis) and operates regional offices in China and Africa, as well as subsidiaries in India and Europe.

This report by Friends of the Earth International and Environmental Rights Action/Friends of the Earth Nigeria examines the failure of the Nigerian judicial system to hold transnational oil corporations, specifically Shell, accountable for environmental degradation and human rights violations in the Niger Delta. The authors argue that systemic barriers in national courts—including high costs, strict standing requirements, and corporate stalling tactics—necessitate the establishment of a World Environmental Court with international jurisdiction to ensure environmental justice.

The report examines the catastrophic environmental and human rights impacts of transnational oil companies, specifically Shell, in Nigeria's Niger Delta. It details the persistence of gas flaring and oil spills, the resulting destruction of rural livelihoods, and the systemic barriers—such as high legal costs, burden of proof, and judicial delays—that prevent victims from accessing justice in Nigerian courts. Through case studies, it demonstrates how corporations use legal stalling and jurisdictional challenges to evade accountability, concluding that a legally binding global treaty and an international environmental court are necessary to protect human rights and the environment.

The Green Climate Fund reported total administrative expenditures of US$ 4.5 million against a US$ 19.3 million budget for the first four months of 2015. As of 31 March 2015, signed contributions totaled US$ 171.2 million, with US$ 63.1 million in total resources available net of funding decisions. Secretariat spending reached US$ 3.6 million, while Board expenditures totaled US$ 655,209. Readiness programme expenditures reached US$ 0.26 million by 30 April 2015, with the Fund engaging approximately 60 countries. Additionally, a US$ 1.4 million special contribution from the Republic of Korea for headquarters equipment was fully exhausted by April 2015.

The authors critique British politicians Michael Gove and David Cameron for attempting to frame the First World War as a 'good' war and for promoting virtues like patriotism and courage to the exclusion of pacifist perspectives. They argue that the conflict was an 'imperial bloodbath' orchestrated by aloof elites and that glorifying such warfare risks leading Europe toward future resource wars or fascism. The text emphasizes the importance of honoring conscientious objectors and the 1915 Hague congress of women, while citing the European Union's role in preventing conflict between member states since World War II as a legacy to be preserved.

The document analyzes the legitimacy crisis in investor-State arbitration caused by the 'dual role' of individuals acting as both impartial arbitrators and partisan counsel. It reviews the arbitration rules of ICSID, UNCITRAL, ICC, and SCC, finding that while they require independence, their application is inconsistent and often lacks transparency. The paper highlights specific cases where concurrent service led to challenges, and compares these to stricter standards in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS). It concludes by recommending a clear proscription against concurrent service, suggesting reforms through rule amendments, institutional interpretations, revised IBA Guidelines, or express provisions in International Investment Agreements (IIAs).

The paper examines infrastructure funding in Mali, specifically comparing 'traditional' donors (World Bank, European Commission) with 'non-traditional' donors (China). Using the third Bamako bridge as a case study, it argues that recipient governments evaluate aid through an investment model that balances capital costs, transaction costs, and risk profiles. The author finds that while Chinese aid is often perceived as 'tied' and carries higher long-term uncertainty, it is attractive due to low short-term risk and a 'South-South partner' identity. The study concludes that in a stable, resource-poor country like Mali, Chinese aid complements rather than substitutes for OECD aid, meaning it is less likely to undermine established good governance conditions.

The report details a seminar featuring leaders from the Dinka Ngok and Missiriya groups to discuss the conflict over the Abyie boundary. Key points of contention include differing historical border claims (1905 vs 1956), the perceived unfairness of the Permanent Court of Arbitration's ruling, and the complicating influence of oil fields and political agendas of the National Congress Party and the Sudan People Liberation Movement. Despite current tensions and fears of a 'showdown', participants agreed that traditional conflict management mechanisms could be used to resolve the dispute.

The report assesses the ICC's operations in the DRC, highlighting a gap between the government's political support and its actual technical capacity to cooperate. It examines specific cases, such as those of Thomas Lubanga and Jean-Pierre Bemba, and analyzes how domestic politics and the pursuit of peace in the Kivus create tensions with the ICC's mandate. The author finds that while the ICC is viewed as a crucial tool against impunity, victims and civil society express frustration over limited outreach, perceived selectivity in prosecutions, and the Court's low public profile.

The document analyzes two legal pathways for prosecuting Robert Mugabe: the principle of universal jurisdiction and the International Criminal Court (ICC). While legal grounds exist for crimes committed after July 2002—such as 'Operation Murambatsvina' and election violence—the author concludes that prosecution is 'extremely unlikely' due to political obstacles. These include Zimbabwe's lack of ratification of the ICC statute and the likelihood that immunity from prosecution will be a key negotiation point to secure Mugabe's removal from power.

The policy brief examines the tension between peace and justice in the context of war terminations, specifically analyzing the role of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). It argues that the ICTY's early lack of effectiveness was due to a lack of political will, as it was initially used as a 'public relations devise' to avoid military action. However, the author contends that resolute justice serves as a deterrent to war criminals, incapacitates political actors through isolation, and consolidates peace by preventing future cycles of violence. The text highlights that when peace processes prioritize impunity, they incentivize the accumulation of power over the cessation of atrocities.

The Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) is described as 'nearly dead' and 'in a coma' just five months after ratification, with violence against civilians intensifying. The report highlights the failure of the African Union (AU) peacekeeping mission due to inadequate funding, equipment, and a limited mandate, while the Sudanese government under President Omar al-Bashir resists a full UN peacekeeping deployment. The conflict is rooted in historical land disputes and the politics of natural resources, including unexploited oil, uranium, copper, and bauxite in Darfur. International action is complicated by the commercial interests of UN Security Council permanent members—China, Russia, and France—who buy Sudanese oil. The report concludes that while the proposed 'AU-Plus' option (an extended AU mission with UN logistical and financial support) may be insufficient, it represents the only viable alternative to break the current diplomatic impasse.

The IISD Model International Agreement on Investment for Sustainable Development proposes a new legal framework for foreign investment. It moves away from traditional bilateral investment treaties by introducing binding investor obligations, including mandatory environmental and social impact assessments, anti-corruption requirements, and adherence to human rights and labour standards. The model establishes a structured institutional framework featuring a Conference of the Parties, a permanent Dispute Settlement Body with an appellate division to ensure legal consistency, and a Legal Assistance Centre for developing countries. It explicitly protects the 'inherent rights of states' to regulate for public welfare and sustainable development, while providing a mechanism to abrogate investor rights in cases of corruption or persistent non-compliance.

The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) presents a model international investment agreement that shifts the focus from purely protecting foreign capital to integrating sustainable development, human rights, and environmental protections. The guide proposes a comprehensive framework of rights and obligations for investors, host states, and home states, including mandatory environmental and social impact assessments, anti-corruption measures, and a reformed dispute resolution mechanism featuring an appellate body and increased transparency.

The IISD Model International Agreement on Investment for Sustainable Development provides a comprehensive legal framework designed to align foreign investment with sustainable development goals. It moves away from the traditional focus on solely protecting foreign capital by introducing binding investor obligations, including environmental and social impact assessments, anti-corruption requirements, and adherence to core labour standards. The model establishes a new institutional structure featuring a Conference of the Parties, a Secretariat, and a reformed Dispute Settlement Body with a standing panel of arbitrators and an appellate division to ensure transparency and accountability. It explicitly protects the right of host states to regulate for public welfare objectives, such as public health and the environment, and introduces mechanisms for the abrogation of investor rights in cases of persistent non-compliance.

The IISD proposes a new model for international investment agreements (IIAs) to replace outdated 20th-century frameworks. The model introduces mandatory investor obligations regarding environmental and social impact assessments, anti-corruption, and human rights, while preserving the right of host states to regulate for the public interest. It also proposes a systemic overhaul of dispute resolution, moving from ad hoc arbitration to a permanent panel and appellate system similar to the WTO.

The report examines the 'cold peace' between Ethiopia and Eritrea after their 1998-2000 border war. While the Algiers Peace Accord ended active hostilities, the subsequent ruling by the Border Commission to award the symbolic town of Badme to Eritrea has created a political impasse. Ethiopia, influenced by the Tigray Regional State, has rejected the ruling as 'wrong and unjust,' leading to a stalemate in physical demarcation. The author argues that the international community's focus on technical demarcation is insufficient and that genuine political dialogue is required to address deep-seated mistrust and economic strains to avoid a return to war.

The author contends that the Bush administration used a "half-truth" to deflect from its own lack of climate policy by claiming Europeans were hypocrites for not yet ratifying the Kyoto Protocol. The text clarifies that signatories, including European nations, agreed to negotiate key provisions for market-based flexibility and compliance before beginning the ratification process. While the November summit in The Hague failed to conclude these rules, European nations remain committed to ratification once the implementing framework is finalized.

The report details a project in Sachs Harbour, Banks Island, where Inuvialuit observations confirm significant climate warming, including later autumn freeze-ups, earlier spring thaws, and melting permafrost. The project combined participatory workshops and scientific interviews to produce a broadcast-quality video and seven journal articles, aiming to raise public awareness and influence decision-makers. Findings highlight the value of traditional knowledge in providing detailed historical narratives and identifying environmental linkages that complement Western science.

SGR recommends strict limits on the Kyoto Mechanisms to prevent 'hot air' loopholes and ensure industrialised nations prioritise domestic action. The statement calls for the total exclusion of nuclear fission and speculative 'climate-engineering' projects from Joint Implementation (JI) and the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), while demanding tight restrictions on forestry projects and a rigorous definition of 'sustainable development'.