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The document is a publication catalog from the WRI Institutions and Governance Program, detailing research on the structure and outcomes of natural resource decentralizations. It lists reports, journal articles, and working papers stemming from a 2001 comparative project and subsequent initiatives focused on institutional choice, recognition, and commodity chain analysis. The research covers a wide array of countries across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, examining the intersection of local democracy, property rights, and environmental governance.

The report evaluates how conservation efforts for mountain gorillas in the Virunga-Bwindi region interact with local and regional conflict dynamics. Through three case studies—a community campground upgrade, a land purchase for a buffer zone, and transboundary collaboration—the study identifies how interventions can either exacerbate tensions through unequal benefit-sharing and poor communication or foster peace through participatory management and regional cooperation. It provides a framework for Peace and Conflict Impact Assessments (PCIA) and recommends integrating conflict sensitivity into project planning, implementation, and monitoring to ensure conservation activities 'do no harm' and actively contribute to peacebuilding.

The paper examines the relationship between elections and democracy, arguing that while elections are primary prerequisites for democracy, they are often used in Africa as 'window-dressing rituals' to legitimate existing regimes. It analyzes various electoral systems, the critical role of independent electoral commissions, judiciaries, and militaries, and the functions of international and domestic observation. Additionally, it explores the nature of African political parties, noting their tendency to be ethnically based, personalized, and non-institutionalized.

The author contends that the Mugabe regime's actions in Zimbabwe represent a 'stolen victory' and a challenge to African democratic institutions. The paper criticizes South Africa for underplaying its leverage as a regional power and calls for the SADC to implement concrete sanctions, including arms restrictions and asset freezes, while recognizing that the lack of a lawful run-off may legally entitle the March 29, 2008, frontrunner to the presidency.

The document examines the 'education crisis' in Sub-Saharan Africa, arguing that the narrow focus on the UN Millennium Development Goals' target of universal primary education has compromised teaching quality and diverted funds from secondary and tertiary levels. It highlights critical barriers to progress, including the HIV/AIDS epidemic, severe teacher shortages, outdated colonial curricula, and gender disparities. The report contends that without systemic reforms—including better teacher training, increased investment in science and mathematics, and a shift toward vocational and secondary education—the region will remain economically marginalised and unable to compete globally.

The paper assesses the inadequacy of Africa's counterterrorism framework, highlighting the failure of the African Union (AU) and member states to operationalize the African Centre for the Study and Research on Terrorism in Algiers. It identifies specific regional vulnerabilities—including Somalia, the Sahel, Nigeria, and South Africa—and proposes a practical division of labour between the Algiers centre, key states, and regional organisations to improve security capacity.

The paper argues that the current trend of African countries belonging to multiple regional entities simultaneously is unsustainable, particularly as these groups move from free trade areas to customs unions. Because a country cannot realistically apply two different common external tariffs, overlapping memberships create legal contradictions and increased transaction costs. The author proposes four potential scenarios for rationalisation: equal sharing of members, a merger of SACU and SADC, the dominance of COMESA, or the creation of a single large regional trading bloc aligned with the African Union's goal of an African Economic Community by 2025.

The author contends that governments in developing nations, especially across Africa, undermine global efforts to lower drug prices by imposing high tariffs and sales taxes on medicines. These financial barriers disproportionately affect the poorest citizens, such as HIV-positive patients in South Africa, by making life-saving treatment unaffordable and reducing the funds available for nutrition. The paper highlights that a 1% reduction in tariffs correlates with a 1% increase in medicine access. Beyond taxation, the author criticizes 'burdensome bureaucracy' in countries like South Africa and Namibia, where slow registration processes and redundant regulations delay patient access to drugs. The document calls for the urgent removal of these 'pernicious taxes and tariffs' and the reform of medical bureaucracies to improve healthcare outcomes.

The 1995 power purchasing agreement between Tanesco and IPTL in Tanzania is cited as a failed public-private partnership due to alleged corruption, lack of feasibility studies, and the procurement of unnecessary diesel-generated power at inflated costs.

The author criticizes the Southern African Development Community (SADC) for its premature declaration that Mozambique's December 2004 elections were 'free and fair' before the vote-counting process was complete. While other observer missions, including the EU and the Carter Centre, waited for final results to avoid the transparency issues seen in 1999, SADC's haste suggests a reluctance to criticize sitting member governments. This pattern, combined with SADC's support for the Zimbabwean government despite flawed elections, risks framing the organization as a club of ruling parties rather than a credible democratic umpire.

The paper examines the challenges of doing business in Africa, noting that political instability and corruption deter investment. It highlights South Africa's position as a leading non-oil and gas investor in Africa, with firms investing an average of $1.4 billion annually since 1991. While some local businesses fear South African domination, the author argues that these investments introduce new technologies, increase consumer choice, and serve as a catalyst for broader international confidence in African markets.

The document identifies that 76% of the sub-Saharan African population relies on traditional biomass for cooking, leading to deforestation, indoor air pollution, and gender inequality. It argues that while clean fuels like LPG, ethanol, and biogas offer significant health and environmental benefits, their adoption is stifled by high costs, lack of infrastructure, and socio-cultural preferences. The authors recommend national government intervention through targeted subsidies, the creation of clean cooking fuel bureaus, and the development of local sustainable energy resources for rural areas.

Since 1994, South Africa has acted as a primary catalyst for African integration, leveraging its economic dominance and diplomatic efforts to promote the 'African Renaissance'. While it leads in conflict resolution and institutional building through the AU and SADC, it faces tensions regarding its perceived 'big brother' role and a persistent trade imbalance with other African states. Its global role involves representing African interests in the G20 and UN Security Council, though its moral authority is sometimes undermined by a reluctance to criticize fellow African leaders, specifically in Zimbabwe.

The Africa Human Security Initiative (AHSI) is organizing a workshop in Nairobi on May 7, 2008, focusing on internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the Greater Horn of Africa. The document argues that IDPs are a highly vulnerable population often neglected by states due to conceptual debates, lack of political will, and the non-binding nature of the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement. It highlights the scale of the issue, noting that in 2004, IDP numbers in three specific countries far exceeded refugee numbers in five. The workshop aims to map displacement, assess government capacity, and develop a regional policy document and strategic action plan for managing displacement crises.

The document analyzes how international investment agreements (IIAs) and investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms interact with human rights obligations. It finds that most IIAs are silent on human rights, and the current ad hoc nature of investor-state arbitration creates legal uncertainty for states attempting to enact new human rights or environmental regulations. The author argues that the lack of transparency in these proceedings undermines democratic accountability and recommends the development of model clauses to protect the 'right to regulate' and ensure human rights values are embedded in investment law.

The briefing examines China's policy of offering duty-free treatment to 440 products from 30 African LDCs. While the scheme is tailored to existing export capacities, the author argues its economic impact is modest compared to its symbolic diplomatic value in signaling China's rise as a great power and alternative to Western donors.

The document argues that sub-Saharan Africa is disproportionately vulnerable to climate change due to its reliance on rain-fed agriculture and limited institutional capacity, yet it contributes minimally to global greenhouse gas emissions. It highlights a tension between the high initial costs of carbon-efficient development and immediate poverty reduction needs. The author proposes 'development-led' and 'no-regrets' approaches—such as the Mad’Etole wind project in Madagascar—to align environmental sustainability with economic growth. The paper also examines financial mechanisms like the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and the World Bank's Forest Carbon Partnership Facility (FCPF) as tools for funding, while noting that international financial support for adaptation has remained insufficient.

The report details a colloquium exploring the theoretical and practical intersections of resilience and vulnerability research. It argues that while both fields are complementary—resilience offering strengths in ecological system dynamics and vulnerability in social and political-economic structures—they often operate in silos with different disciplinary roots. The document highlights the need for 'bifocal' research approaches that combine these perspectives to address complex environmental challenges, such as climate change and poverty. Key discussions focus on the challenges of translating academic concepts into operational policy tools, the importance of social learning, and the need for longitudinal, multi-scale case studies to understand social-ecological system transformations.

The document describes a scoping phase (January to November 2008) for a programme aimed at building long-term capacity in universities, research institutes, government, industry, and NGOs to manage climate change risks. The initiative focuses on developing research capacity, enhancing science-technology-policy networks, and stimulating science-policy dialogue to integrate climate risk management into national development policies. Proposed activities include forming national advisory groups, providing short courses on adaptation and vulnerability, hosting international experts, developing curricula, and establishing joint research fellowships. The programme is designed to support the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change Nairobi Work Programme and National Adaptation Programmes of Action.

The ACCCA project, running from 2007 to 2008, implemented 19 pilot actions across 17 countries in Asia and Africa to build capacity for climate change adaptation. The project focused on multidisciplinary risk communication, stakeholder engagement, and the integration of adaptation strategies into policy and local action plans. Key activities included identifying climate risks, assessing knowledge gaps, and developing risk communication materials to support decision-making in sectors such as agriculture, water management, and public health.