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The paper argues that artisanal mining in Kalima is more beneficial to the local population than industrial mining was, providing higher employment, better income, and more democratic working conditions. While it notes a decline in local farming and a collapse of social services previously provided by industrial companies, it suggests artisanal mining is more environmentally benign than industrial methods, despite the high carbon footprint of flying ore out of the region. The author also analyzes the DRC's punitive export tax regime, which encourages smuggling into Rwanda, and argues that the lack of conflict in Maniema's mining sector contrasts with the resource-fueled violence in the Kivu regions.

The document analyzes the geopolitical changes in Eastern DRC following the January 2009 agreement between the DRC government and the CNDP, which led to the joint military operation 'Umoja wetu' with Rwanda against the FDLR. While the operation resulted in the repatriation of 1,003 FDLR combatants and their dependents, the author questions its overall success due to the lack of action in South Kivu and the impending withdrawal of Rwandan troops. The briefing warns that the 'accelerated plan' for integrating rebels into the FARDC repeats failed processes from 2007 and highlights risks of humanitarian crises and ethnic violence if security vacuums emerge after Rwandan forces depart.

The document details a capacity-building workshop for ICCN staff and partners to analyze and resolve conflicts in Virunga National Park. It identifies three primary conflicts: lack of revenue sharing, deforestation and encroachment, and military involvement in illegal activities. The report outlines conflict mapping tools, actor analysis, and proposed strategies such as creating collaboration frameworks, reorganizing fisheries on Lake Edward, and initiating community self-reliance projects.

The report analyzes the transition of the Democratic Republic of Congo toward a new political dispensation, focusing on the run-off election between Joseph Kabila and Jean-Pierre Bemba. It highlights the fragility of the security situation in Kinshasa and the eastern provinces, the role of international forces like MONUC and EUFOR, and the risks posed by slow military reform and political intolerance. The document details the first-round results, the formation of political alliances, and provides four potential scenarios for the election outcome, emphasizing the need for the demobilization of candidate-specific security forces to prevent violence.

The Democratic Republic of Congo's first democratic elections in 40 years were largely peaceful, though logistical challenges and security threats persist in eastern provinces. While voter turnout was high, the slow counting process by the Commission Electorale Indépendante (CEI) created political tension. The document outlines two primary scenarios: a first-round victory for a candidate with over 50% of the vote, or a second-round runoff likely between Joseph Kabila and Jean-Pierre Bemba, which could lead to significant political alliances and potential instability.

The report analyzes the Democratic Republic of Congo's transition toward national elections scheduled for 2006. It details the legislative progress, the operational challenges of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), and the critical role of security sector reform. The authors identify significant security threats from armed groups in Ituri, North Kivu, and Katanga, as well as political tensions involving the UDPS. Three scenarios are presented: a successful transition under the current '1+4' leadership, a transition with new leadership, or a total breakdown of order.

The document provides a situation report on the military integration and Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) processes in the DRC. It details the FARDC's three-stage strategic plan to establish a national defence force by 2010, starting with light infantry brigades. The report highlights significant obstacles, including a lack of political will, severe funding shortages for equipment and salaries, and the discovery that 30-40% of listed soldiers are 'ghosts'. While coordination between international donors (via the Contact Group and EUSEC) and national bodies has improved, the process remains fragile, evidenced by high desertion rates in brassage centres and threats of re-invasion in the east.

The document analyzes the 2004 unrest in the Kivus, focusing on General Laurent Nkunda's military campaign and the failure of the DRC Transition Government to maintain stability. It highlights the role of ethnic manipulation of Tutsi and Banyamulenge communities, the destabilizing influence of Rwanda, and the internal fractures within the FARDC military regions. The report also details the Gatumba massacre in Burundi and the challenges of repatriating Banyamulenge refugees.

The document examines the failure of the Democratic Republic of Congo's transitional government to establish security and effective administration in the Kivu provinces. It highlights the persistence of parallel military command structures, the failure of disarmament and demobilization (DDR) processes, and the continued influence of foreign militias and Rwandan interests. While North Kivu shows some economic recovery under Governor Eugène Serufuli, the report warns that systemic corruption, ethnic tensions—particularly regarding the Banyarwanda—and political infighting in Kinshasa threaten the entire transition process.

The document details efforts to mitigate conflicts over natural resource extraction in Kahuzi Biega National Park through the establishment of Community Conservation Committees (CCCs) and the implementation of a conflict-sensitive conservation (CSC) approach. While initiatives by the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS) and other partners successfully improved relations and temporarily reduced illegal logging in the Bugobe village area, poverty remains a primary driver of resource extraction, leading to the introduction of microcredit programs to support local livelihoods.

The document examines the role of illegal mining in the conflict within the Eastern provinces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It analyzes the failure of a 2010-2011 mining ban and the potential risks associated with the US Dodd-Frank Act's 'conflict minerals' legislation, such as economic losses and increased smuggling. The author contends that illegal mining is a manifestation rather than a primary cause of conflict, suggesting that sustainable peace requires addressing deeper issues through measures like decentralization to improve local governance and infrastructure.

The research paper argues that land in eastern DRC has transitioned from a basis of social identity to a currency of political and economic power, fueling ethnic conflict. It details how colonial 'indirect rule' and post-colonial legislation, such as the 1973 General Property Law, created a dual system of tenure that marginalized rural populations and empowered elites. In Masisi and Ituri, this structural insecurity was manipulated by local and regional actors to trigger mass violence, with land becoming a 'resource' for warlords to consolidate power through the control of 'unfree labour'.

The report argues that conflict in the Kivus is rooted in long-term bad governance and disputes over land and ethnicity, rather than solely foreign intervention. It analyzes the fragmentation of the RCD-G and the structure of Mayi-Mayi militias, emphasizing that sustainable peace requires the unification of the army, the resolution of local land disputes, and improved diplomatic and economic cooperation between the DRC and Rwanda.

The report examines how insecure land access and the manipulation of land rights contribute to poverty and violent conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa. It highlights the tension between customary and statutory tenure systems and warns that land is often used as a 'resource of conflict' by elites to consolidate power and enforce ethnic divisions. The authors argue for the importance of local governance and field-based empirical research in developing effective land policies and reconciliation efforts.

The study finds that women living near ASM sites in Eastern DRC are more likely to experience both intimate partner sexual violence and sexual violence by others. This risk is particularly acute for women in North Kivu, South Kivu, and Maniema living near mines controlled by armed actors.