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The report examines the intersection of gender equality and sustainable development, asserting that systemic barriers—such as discriminatory laws and unequal access to natural resources—hinder global progress. It highlights the economic costs of gender inequality, the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 on women, and the positive environmental outcomes associated with female leadership in government and corporate boards. The document calls for urgent structural reforms, including gender-responsive climate policies and guaranteed land rights for women, to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) provides free advisory and capacity development services to low-income governments and regional bodies to promote responsible private sector investment in agriculture. IISD focuses on creating legal frameworks that balance the benefits of foreign capital and technology with the protection of food security, land tenure rights, and natural resources. Their expertise includes developing model contracts for farmland investments, regional investment guidelines, contract farming templates, and policies for agricultural growth poles and zones.

The document examines how valuable minerals can finance violence, trigger local conflicts, and weaken state governance through corruption. It provides lessons learned for development interventions, such as empowering local communities, supporting artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM), and promoting corporate responsibility. The toolkit includes a survey instrument for risk assessment and lists USAID contracting mechanisms and international partners to address mineral-related conflict.

The briefing examines the Mo Ibrahim Prize, an award for African leaders who meet strict democratic and constitutional criteria. It discusses the surprise decision by the Prize Committee to not select a winner in a given year, despite several leaders having recently left office. The author explores whether the prize effectively incentivizes good governance and suggests that the lack of a winner may reflect a receding democracy or the systemic challenges leaders face. The document concludes by suggesting the prize expand its scope to include civil society and individuals to better support democratic entrenchment.

The text argues that Africa has lost its Cold War-era strategic importance, leading to a rise in regional conflicts and state fragility. It discusses a shift toward subregional security arrangements (such as ECOWAS and SADC) as African nations and donors move away from reliance on the UN. The author contends that stability requires a focus on domestic security and 'collaborative security' based on transparency and reassurance rather than collective defense, warning that supporting weak, undemocratic states to provide regional security without international oversight may have negative consequences.

The document discusses the effort to end the "culture of impunity" regarding gross human rights violations and international humanitarian law. It specifically examines the impetus for establishing specialised criminal tribunals in Sierra Leone, Cambodia, and East Timor, while noting that significant obstacles remain in the path of these proposed legal mechanisms.

The briefing examines the paradigm of humanitarian intervention and the 'responsibility to protect' (R2P) in post-cold war Africa. The author contends that these interventions often fail to address deep-seated inequalities and may inadvertently prolong conflicts by creating truces that allow weaker parties to rearm. The text suggests that non-intervention—allowing a conflict to reach a military conclusion—or targeted political and credible protection missions may be more effective alternatives for achieving durable peace.

This research paper by the Institute for Security Studies examines the Regulation of Foreign Military Assistance Bill [B54-97], approved by the South African Cabinet on 30 April 1997. While the authors support the goal of preventing South African citizens and companies from providing unauthorized military services abroad, they argue the Bill's scope is overly broad and grants excessive discretionary power to the Minister of Water and Environmental Affairs, thereby undermining parliamentary oversight.

The document examines disarmament as a critical component of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) efforts within multinational peace support operations in Africa. It highlights the necessity of assessing local dynamics and sub-regional contexts to address insecurities, using the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) as an example of how national crises spark regional instability. The text reviews the implementation of disarmament programmes in several African nations, noting that while success rates vary, Sierra Leone provides a recent example of successful conclusion. The monograph aims to provide a common framework of analysis by comparing the differing situations in Sierra Leone and the DRC to establish basic requirements for planning and implementing future disarmament programmes in Africa.

The document argues that juvenile justice reforms in Sierra Leone, Tanzania, and Zambia have been slow and inadequate since decolonisation. Despite being party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, these states fail to consistently apply principles of limited criminal liability for minors or prioritise rehabilitation over retribution, often treating children in ways that disregard their dignity.

The policy brief argues that the judicial systems of Sierra Leone, Tanzania, and Zambia are hampered by a colonial legacy where the executive branch remained dominant over the judiciary and legislature. Despite the adoption of international human rights instruments and constitutional guarantees of fair trial and judicial independence, the executive continues to control the resources available to the judiciary, which undermines its ability to prevent impunity and ensure the rule of law.

This research paper, based on a qualitative study conducted in April and May 2003, examines the exploitative gender dynamics and sexual abuse of local women and girls by peacekeepers in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) and Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL). The author analyzes how financial disparities, power imbalances, and a 'peacekeeping economy' contribute to sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA), while evaluating the effectiveness of gender training and conduct committees in these missions.

The Mano River Basin, comprising Sierra Leone, Liberia, Côte d’Ivoire, and Guinea, faces fragile peace threatened by the movement of displaced people, failed post-conflict reintegration, and illicit trade. While UN peacekeeping missions in Sierra Leone and Liberia have seen success with DDR processes, the region remains a concern for the West due to links between resource trade and terrorism, such as Al Qaeda's diamond trade with the RUF. The author argues that sustainable peace requires a shift in focus toward the dynamics of displacement and international trade rather than solely reacting to terrorist threats.

The document warns that a proposed Protocol to the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW) would allow some countries to continue trading, stockpiling, and using cluster munitions, thereby weakening the international legal standard established by the 2008 Convention on Cluster Munitions (CCM). It highlights that Africa is disproportionately affected by these weapons, with nearly a third of affected countries and territories located on the continent. The author urges African states to maintain their commitment to a total ban to avoid setting a dangerous legal precedent where a lower standard of international law is adopted after a higher one has already been agreed upon.

The document examines the demobilisation and reintegration of military personnel across various African nations, arguing that while downsizing armed forces can potentially free resources for development and serve as a confidence-building measure, the actual impact is not automatic. It highlights that high costs of resettlement and reintegration often offset short-term financial gains. The author emphasizes that successful demobilisation depends heavily on political will, the institutional environment, and the availability of sustainable economic opportunities for ex-combatants to prevent the reoccurrence of conflict.

The document details a seminar on the African Union's (AU) response to unconstitutional changes of government, specifically military coups. It evaluates the Lomé Declaration and the AU's consistency in applying sanctions, while proposing reforms to address poor governance and presidential term limits to prevent future instability.

The author argues that DDR processes often fail because they prioritize the visible technical aspects of disarmament and demobilisation over the difficult task of reintegration. In West Africa and the Great Lakes region, 'conflict economies' and the desire of local actors to retain power undermine peace accords. The document suggests that without transitioning from a conflict economy to a peace economy and addressing political grievances, DDR cannot prevent a return to violence.

The document examines the conceptual dimensions of Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR), arguing that standard Western models often fail to account for the specificities of sub-Saharan Africa. It highlights the paradox of 'demobilisation without mobilisation' in regions where only minorities were militarised, and discusses the critical role of reintegration's economic and social components. The author further explores interrelated concepts such as the 'peace dividend', conversion, peace-building, and the evolving definition of security, emphasizing that successful DDR is essential for establishing strong political institutions and sustainable development in post-conflict states.

The document analyzes the evolution of Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programs in Africa, noting a shift from vague mandates in the late 1990s to highly specific programs by 2004. It emphasizes that DDR must be a voluntary process integrated into a broader national recovery framework, rather than a standalone social driver for peace. Key challenges identified include the 'quantitative' focus on counting soldiers versus the 'qualitative' need to reverse military indoctrination, the risk of DDR becoming a profit-making venture for ex-combatants, and the difficulty of accurate combatant identification. The report recommends a human-rights-based approach to DDR, better cross-border coordination to prevent combatants from moving between conflicts, and the use of strategic communication, particularly radio, to manage public expectations and support reconciliation.

The document provides an analytical account of child soldiering in Africa, focusing on the drivers, roles, and consequences for both boys and girls. It argues that the use of children is a global phenomenon facilitated by the proliferation of light weapons and the nature of modern intra-state civil wars. The author emphasizes that recruitment is often a deliberate military strategy based on the agility and controllability of children, or a result of extreme poverty and state collapse. The text highlights the specific, often invisible, experiences of girl soldiers, who serve as combatants, spies, and forced 'wives'. It concludes that child soldiering creates a 'scarred generation' and a dysfunctional notion of childhood, which in turn alters the culture of the affected societies.