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The document examines the multifaceted nature of security in Europe, contrasting the 'politics of fear' used by national populists with a progressive vision of security. It analyzes threats ranging from terrorism and digital vulnerabilities to energy insecurity and climate change, while emphasizing that social investment and the protection of civil liberties are more effective tools for stability than mass surveillance or militarisation. The text specifically critiques the 'securitisation' of migration and the role of the state in managing perceived risks.

The document analyzes how conservative religious lobbyists, primarily from the US and the Vatican, collaborate with various states to challenge international human rights language and gender equality policies at the UN. It details their shift from outside activists to influential insiders, their use of 'traditional family values' and 'national sovereignty' as secular arguments to bridge ideological divides, and the formation of formalized blocks like the Group of Friends of the Family (GoFF). The brief also highlights specific challenges to the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, including the impact of the US 'global gag rule' and the Holy See's essentialist view of gender roles.

The document advocates for a mechanism requiring cement and clinker importers to pay for their pollution to create a level playing field and end free allocation in the EU ETS. It argues that free allocation has hindered innovation, increased emissions by subsidizing high-carbon exports to Africa, and generated over €5 billion in windfall profits for the cement industry. The briefing asserts that an import inclusion scheme is WTO-compatible and beneficial for the industry, as it would incentivize the adoption of new technologies in a sector where European production is currently less efficient than in other global regions.

The paper argues that African countries should pivot away from fossil fuels and nuclear energy toward minerals and metals essential for the Fourth Industrial Revolution, such as copper and platinum. It highlights a decline in mineral exploration in Africa, particularly South Africa, and warns against the 'resource curse' associated with oil wealth. The author contends that the falling cost of renewables and the rise of smart technologies make fossil fuel investments risky, urging African policymakers to align industrial policies with the demand for green energy minerals to avoid premature de-industrialisation.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) states that Rex Tillerson is "unqualified and unfit" to serve as US Secretary of State, citing his leadership at ExxonMobil and his "role in Exxon’s ongoing campaign of climate denial and obstruction". CIEL calls for Tillerson to immediately recuse himself from all decisions involving ExxonMobil, the American Petroleum Institute, the oil and gas and petrochemical industries, and the Russian government to avoid serving corporate interests over those of the American people.

The document examines the controversial role of Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) clauses in bilateral investment treaties (BITs), specifically the trend of investors importing more favourable provisions from third-party treaties. It details the divergence in tribunal rulings regarding the import of procedural rules—such as circumventing domestic court requirements—and the import of substantive protections. The guide highlights the risks of 'treaty-shopping' and the creation of 'super-treaties' that undermine state sovereignty. It concludes with strategies for states to mitigate these risks, including the use of 'like circumstances' criteria, explicit exclusions of dispute settlement mechanisms, and the adoption of positive lists for pre-establishment liberalization.

The report argues that fossil fuel production subsidies create "zombie energy"—reserves that are only viable due to government support—and contribute to carbon lock-in. Using the GSI-IF(p) model and G20 data as a proxy, the authors estimate that a global removal of these subsidies could reduce GHG emissions by 37 to 175 Gt of CO2 between 2017 and 2050, depending on market price assumptions. It further finds that 120–138 Gt of CO2 equivalent in reserves would become uneconomical to produce, representing 13–15% of existing and under-construction reserves as of 2015. The report emphasizes that capex subsidies provide the strongest long-term signals for investment and carbon lock-in.

The document examines the global push for beneficial ownership transparency to combat illicit financial flows, money laundering, and corruption. It focuses on the G20 High-Level Principles and the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) guidelines, analyzing how these standards are applied across diverse institutional contexts. A significant portion of the paper is dedicated to South Africa's efforts to align its domestic laws, such as the FIC Amendment Bill, with these global norms. It also provides a comparative analysis of implementation in G20 countries (including the UK, US, China, and Russia) and African nations (Nigeria and Ghana), highlighting common obstacles such as weak institutional capacity, political resistance, and the misuse of shell companies and trusts.

The report argues that while vehicle tailpipe emissions are decreasing due to efficiency gains, the overall climate impact of gasoline is rising because the oil industry is shifting toward more energy-intensive and polluting extraction and refining methods. It highlights the high emissions from depleted wells, tight oil (fracking), and tar sands, and calls for increased transparency, the elimination of routine flaring, and a transition to cleaner fuels to reduce the projected 100 billion barrels of oil consumption between 2015 and 2035.

The author uses political philosophy to analyze the contradictions in Donald Trump's political position and the nature of political competence. He argues that while Trump's victory reflects a failure of elites to connect with voters, the international community must respond by filtering emotional rhetoric and resolutely defending the rule of law, peace, and the battle against climate change. The author emphasizes that the United States is not the whole world and that the outcome of this political era depends on the collective response of others.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) opposes Rex Tillerson's nomination for US Secretary of State, asserting that his career at ExxonMobil creates profound conflicts of interest regarding the Paris Agreement, the Keystone XL pipeline, and global climate action. The statement highlights ExxonMobil's history of funding climate misinformation and its legal challenges concerning human rights abuses in Indonesia and the Philippines.

Spain has experienced a sharp decline in coal production and employment over the last two decades, driven by EU legislation, falling international prices, and the rise of renewable energy. While government plans successfully reduced coal's share in the energy mix, efforts to mitigate socioeconomic impacts in mining regions were largely ineffective, focusing too heavily on public infrastructure rather than the creation of sustainable alternative industries.

The UK has nearly completed its transition from coal, a process driven initially by market forces and later by a carbon tax, rather than a single planned strategy. While the 'dash for gas' in the 1990s and the 2013 carbon tax significantly reduced coal-fired power, the socio-economic recovery of mining communities remains incomplete. Despite regeneration efforts, former coalfields experience persistent 'economic inactivity' and high rates of incapacity benefit claims, indicating a long-term job shortfall that transcends the retirement of the original mining workforce.

The document asserts that meeting the Paris Agreement's goals of keeping warming "well below 2°C" requires a phase-down of coal, oil, and natural gas production. It identifies six primary mechanisms within the UNFCCC framework to achieve this: incorporating supply-side targets in Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), planning managed declines in long-term low greenhouse gas emission development strategies (LTSs), tracking extraction via the global stocktake, providing technical capacity-building support, redirecting finance away from fossil fuel infrastructure, and providing developed-country assistance to developing nations for economic transitions.

The Arctic Resilience Assessment Synthesis for Arctic Leaders 2017 argues that building resilience in the Arctic requires an integrated understanding of social-ecological systems and coordinated action across local, national, and circumpolar scales. While the primary drivers of change are global, the document emphasizes that resilience-building must occur within the Arctic through integrated monitoring, knowledge integration—specifically bridging Indigenous and scientific knowledge—and increasing the capacity of local communities to shape their own development. It identifies 19 instances where climate change and other drivers could trigger abrupt, irreversible shifts and proposes a roadmap via the Arctic Resilience Action Framework to coordinate these efforts.

The document argues that consumption-based accounting provides a more nuanced view of climate responsibility than territorial accounting by attributing emissions to the final consumers of goods and services. Using data from the Eora and IOTA models, it demonstrates that high-income OECD members have increasingly imported emissions from middle-income countries between 1992 and 2010, suggesting that some territorial emission reductions in wealthy nations are the result of 'carbon leakage' to other territories.

The report 'Beyond the Stripes' by WWF International demonstrates that tiger conservation serves as a catalyst for broader environmental and human benefits. It highlights how protecting tiger landscapes safeguards biodiversity hotspots, secures water for millions, mitigates climate change through carbon storage, and supports local economies and traditional cultures across Asia.

Friends of the Earth outlines the potential conflicts of interest and environmental risks associated with Rex Tillerson becoming U.S. Secretary of State, citing ExxonMobil's history of funding climate denial and Tillerson's interests in Arctic drilling and the Keystone XL pipeline.

Carbon Market Watch and Transport & Environment critique the EU's guidelines on Upstream Emission Reductions (UERs), stating they are too weak to force the oil industry to change practices due to loopholes regarding carbon offsets and double counting. While the Fuel Quality Directive requires a 6% carbon footprint reduction by 2020 compared to 2010, the authors argue that national governments must now make the guidelines legally binding and limit eligible savings to Clean Development Mechanism projects in Least Developed Countries to ensure transparency and additionality.

The statement warns that non-transparent land-use accounting in Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) can allow countries to meet targets while carbon pollution increases. It highlights specific examples in Russia and New Zealand and advocates for separating land-use credits from other sectors to ensure the 1.5°C target is met through essential decarbonisation.