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The report 'Lifting Europe’s Dark Cloud' examines the health consequences of coal power emissions in Europe, highlighting that 22,900 premature deaths were caused by these plants in 2013. It argues that current EU legislation, specifically the Industrial Emissions Directive (IED), is undermined by widespread 'derogations' that allow over half of European coal plants to exceed safety limits. The authors model three scenarios, demonstrating that adopting the most stringent 'Best Available Techniques' (BAT) could reduce annual premature deaths from 8,900 (under proposed BREF limits) to 2,600, while slashing annual health costs from 24.3 billion to 7.1 billion euros. The document calls for the removal of legal loopholes, the immediate adoption of revised LCP BREF standards, and a total phase-out of coal in favor of renewable energy.

The report analyzes severe May 2016 rainstorms in Europe, finding that climate change significantly increased the probability of extreme 3-day rainfall in France's Seine and Loire basins, while results for southern Germany remained inconclusive.

The report finds that EU coal-fired power plants were responsible for approximately 22,900 premature deaths in 2013, with health costs estimated between 32.4 and 62.3 billion Euros. A significant portion of these impacts is cross-border; for example, coal plants in Poland and Germany caused over 7,000 premature deaths in other countries. The analysis identifies the 'Toxic 30' plants responsible for 51% of these deaths and the 'Dirty 30' plants contributing nearly half of the EU coal fleet's CO2 emissions. The authors advocate for a full coal phase-out, structural reform of the EU Emissions Trading System, and the implementation of an Emissions Performance Standard to meet Paris Agreement goals.

The case study analyzes the conflict in Roşia Montană, where a proposed gold mining project by the Roşia Montana Gold Corporation (RMGC) sparked massive civic mobilization. It details how a local resistance movement evolved into an international campaign and widespread street protests in 2013, ultimately forcing the Romanian Parliament to reject a special law that would have bypassed environmental and urban planning regulations. The author argues that these protests signaled a shift in Romanian society away from 'development at any cost' toward a focus on corporate accountability, environmental protection, and social solidarity.

The document calls for the total abandonment of the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) following stalled negotiations in Hawaii. It argues that the TPP is a "trojan horse deal" that threatens public health by increasing medicine prices and undermines environmental regulations to protect "free trade" in dirty energy products like tar sands oil. The author highlights the Investor State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism as a tool for corporations to sue governments for environmental protections, citing a case where Gabriel Resources sought arbitration against Romania. The text concludes that the TPP's environment chapter is "totally inadequate" and encourages public pressure during upcoming elections in Canada and the US to stop the agreement.

The report argues that a "carbon market only" approach is insufficient for the cost-effective decarbonisation of the European power sector. While the EU ETS is an effective tool for driving fuel switching in the residual thermal generation mix, it cannot alone drive necessary investments in low-carbon technologies due to high capital costs, revenue risks, and the 'merit order effect'. The authors recommend a policy mix where the EU ETS is complemented by tailored national investment supports—such as feed-in tariffs or contracts for difference—to reduce the cost of capital. To ensure coherence, the report proposes an ex-ante cap adjustment process for the ETS based on Member State National Energy and Climate Plans and the development of long-term decarbonisation strategies back-casted from 2050.

The document argues that the EU must address the root causes of migration—such as poverty and armed conflict—rather than just symptoms. It proposes four main pillars: establishing a permanent European search and rescue operation to proactively save lives; increasing resettlement places and providing safe, legal access to the EU to bypass smugglers; safeguarding the right to spontaneous asylum applications at external borders while opposing the militarization of migration policy; and replacing the Dublin system with a solidarity-based responsibility-sharing mechanism for asylum seekers.

This collection of reports and interviews analyzes contemporary European resistance movements, focusing on struggles against extractive industries, infrastructure mega-projects, and economic austerity. It highlights specific cases in Romania, Greece, Scotland, France, and Turkey, while discussing the systemic role of the educated middle class in mobilization. The text argues that Green parties must reconnect with their radical roots and form transversal alliances with social movements to challenge the dominant neoliberal economic model and the 'sacredness of growth'.

The statement asserts that climate change exacerbates poverty, resource scarcity, and instability, which in turn increases the risk of violence against women. It also notes that women leading environmental protests against projects like fracking and mega-dams face persecution and harassment.

Carbon Market Watch warns that the proposed 40% greenhouse gas emission reduction target for 2030 is insufficient and threatened by 'hot air' loopholes. Specifically, the carry-over of surplus allowances from the EU ETS and Effort Sharing Decision could reduce actual emissions cuts to as low as 26%. The author advocates for the retention of nationally binding renewable and energy efficiency targets to drive innovation and decarbonisation.

The report argues that implementing cost-effective energy efficiency and renewable energy measures could halve the EU's net natural gas imports and reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 49% relative to 1990 levels by 2030. It identifies the buildings sector as having the highest potential for savings, followed by energy production and industry, while noting that domestic production, including shale gas, is unlikely to increase substantially.

The document provides legal commentary on the dispute between Pac Rim Cayman LLC and the Republic of El Salvador, asserting that the state's regulatory framework for mining is a necessary tool to prevent human rights infringements and environmental damage. It emphasizes that the 'public interest' must be defined through environmental democracy and access rights, as outlined in Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration. The brief further details the social conflict and violence, including murders of environmental defenders, resulting from Pac Rim's activities in the Cabañas department.

EU coal emissions rose 6% from 2010 to 2013, contributing to 18% of total EU CO2 emissions. This increase was driven by fuel-switching from gas to coal in Germany, the UK, and Poland, which together account for 66% of coal-based emissions. While renewables and falling demand reduced overall fossil generation by 4.3% per year, the low carbon price under the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) failed to prevent coal's resurgence. The report warns that the Industrial Emissions Directive (IED) may not force expected closures because of cheaper compliance technologies and the introduction of capacity markets, particularly in the UK and Poland, which risk locking in high-carbon infrastructure into the 2030s. Modelling suggests that if coal remains cheaper than gas, emissions will fall only 3% by 2016, though the potential for fuel-switching will increase by 2020. Sandbag recommends urgent ETS reform, mandatory carbon intensity reporting, and targeted CCS funding.

The report by Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) details over 100 incidents of violence against environmental defenders across 27 countries. It identifies a systemic pattern of criminalization, physical attacks, and state repression linked to large-scale extractivist projects. The document advocates for legally binding international norms for transnational corporations and the recognition of environmental defense as a fundamental human right.

The analysis reveals a sharp ideological divide between left-wing parties (PES, EGP, EL) and right-wing parties (EPP, ALDE) concerning the causes of the financial crisis and the role of public investment. While there is broad consensus on the need for a transition to renewable energy, the European Green Party (EGP) is the only party providing specific quantitative targets for carbon emissions and energy efficiency. Democratic reform is prioritized by smaller parties (ALDE, EGP, EL), whereas the larger PES and EPP parties largely ignore treaty reform in their platforms.

The document critiques the EBRD's draft Environment and Social Policy for removing commitments to international human rights law, limiting transparency, and failing to implement robust human rights due diligence. It specifically highlights concerns regarding forced evictions, the definition of indigenous peoples, and gaps in the Project Complaint Mechanism (PCM).

The document argues that high debt costs in rapidly emerging economies can increase the cost of utility-scale wind and solar PV projects by 24-32%. It proposes two primary solutions: indexing renewable energy tariffs to foreign currencies to attract lower-cost international capital by mitigating currency hedging costs, and implementing government-backed concessional debt programs to reduce the total support required to make projects viable. The report provides detailed analysis of these mechanisms using India as a primary case study, suggesting that these interventions could lower the cost of renewable energy support by up to 30%.

The document is an open letter addressed to ministers and delegates of UNFCCC signatory states, urging them to adopt ambitious climate protection measures and stop the use of emissions trading to weaken climate commitments. The signatories, representing 33 countries, demand the rejection of a pilot phase for emissions unit trading under the Framework for Various Approaches (FVA), the prevention of double counting, and the exclusion of non-additional projects and coal from the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). They also call for the cessation of fossil fuel subsidies and the implementation of human rights safeguards in climate projects.

The document examines India's adoption of the G-20's 'green growth' framework, which posits that economic growth and environmental sustainability are compatible. While the Indian government integrates this into its Five-Year Plans through technocratic solutions like renewable energy missions and energy efficiency schemes, a counter-discourse argues that such growth continues to marginalize the poor and deplete natural capital. The author highlights a contradiction between India's G-20 alignment and its stance in multilateral climate forums, where it emphasizes historical responsibility and the need for financial support from developed nations.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) warns that TTIP may hinder public health and safety goals by promoting regulatory harmonization and mutual recognition that could lower chemical safety standards. The document highlights the divergence between the EU's hazard-based REACH approach and the US's risk-based TSCA approach, arguing that trade-driven 'regulatory coherence' often results in a 'lowest-common denominator' outcome. It further cautions against investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms, which could allow corporations to sue governments over environmental laws, and warns that TTIP could preempt protective sub-national regulations in the US and EU. Finally, it suggests that a US-EU agreement could negatively influence the development of chemical regulations in other regions, such as the BRIICS countries.