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The document examines the African Union's (AU) efforts to 'Africanise' its maritime domain through AIMS 2050, specifically by proposing a continental cabotage regime to reduce foreign dominance in intra-African shipping. While proponents argue this would create jobs and economic independence, the paper identifies significant barriers, including inadequate port infrastructure, a lack of skilled seafarers, and limited political will, as evidenced by the low ratification rates of the African Maritime Transport Charter. It further analyzes the legal complexities regarding World Trade Organization (WTO) regulations and concludes that the proposed regime is currently 'ahead of schedule' due to the absence of necessary industrial and governance preconditions.

The Institute for Security Studies (ISS) helped MTN develop the Situational Awareness and Integrated Response (SAIR) system, an open-source informatics tool used to gather intelligence and manage security in volatile markets across Africa and the Middle East.

The document identifies infrastructure, human settlements, and mining as the primary non-agricultural drivers of deforestation, while logging is the main driver of forest degradation. Due to a lack of disaggregated global data, the report does not define quantitative indicators but instead reviews public policy interventions and private sector sustainability initiatives. Key public measures include import bans on illegal timber in the US, EU, and Australia, and the use of Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs) and Strategic Environmental Assessments (SEAs) for infrastructure. Private sector efforts are highlighted through forest certification schemes like FSC and PEFC, though their global impact remains limited, and emerging responsible mining initiatives like IRMA and the Oro Verde Program in Colombia.

The report evaluates the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) and its peace and security architecture, specifically the Central African Early Warning Mechanism (MARAC) and the Central African Multinational Force (FOMAC). It finds a significant gap between the organization's ambitions and its operational reality, noting that conflict prevention is hampered by a highly centralized, state-focused structure and a narrow military approach to security. The document highlights critical regional threats, including the Boko Haram insurgency, maritime insecurity in the Gulf of Guinea, and the instability in the Central African Republic (CAR). It concludes that ECCAS lacks a credible regional lead nation and a shared vision, remaining heavily dependent on external funding, primarily from the European Union, which undermines regional ownership of the peace and security process.

The document examines the link between presidential term extensions and political instability in Africa, citing recent crises in Burkina Faso and Burundi. It argues that the African Union (AU) must move beyond reacting to coups and instead proactively advocate for the entrenchment of term limits to ensure regional security and democratic consolidation.

The report analyzes the legal processes for converting forests in the Republic of Congo into agricultural or mining land. It highlights a critical lack of a national land-use plan, which leads to overlapping land use and insecurity. The document details the requirements for declassifying permanent forest estates and obtaining deforestation permits, while arguing that the rights of local communities and indigenous people (LCIP) are insufficiently protected. It also notes that the Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) does not adequately cover the legality of conversion timber.

The report outlines the priorities for the June 2015 AU summit, noting that the official theme of women's empowerment is likely to be overshadowed by urgent crises. Key concerns include the high death toll of African migrants crossing the Mediterranean from Libya, xenophobic violence in South Africa, and the instability in Burundi caused by President Pierre Nkurunziza's third-term bid. It also examines the AU's role in mediating conflicts in South Sudan and Libya, the challenges of establishing an African Standby Force, and the broader struggle for continental economic and political integration.

The policy brief examines the link between presidential term extensions and political instability in Africa, citing coups in Burkina Faso and Burundi as evidence. It argues that the African Union (AU) has been too reactive, focusing on suspending governments after coups rather than preventing the constitutional manipulations that trigger them. The author calls for the AU to formalize presidential term limits within its governance architecture, specifically suggesting amendments to the AU Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. The brief recommends that 'anchor states' like South Africa, Nigeria, and Kenya use preventive diplomacy to discourage term extensions, noting that such practices undermine the goals of Agenda 2063 and regional security.

The document examines the Grand Inga hydropower project in the DRC as a catalyst for energy dialogue and regional integration in Southern Africa. While the project offers immense generation potential, it faces significant hurdles including the DRC's poor infrastructure, institutional instability, and the need for massive international investment. The author argues that for Inga 3 and the broader Grand Inga scheme to succeed, South Africa and the DRC must shift from national priorities toward regional planning, engaging other SADC members and international financial institutions to secure the necessary funding and transmission networks.

The report details a three-year project (April 2012 to September 2015) funded by the UK Department for International Development to empower civil society organisations (CSOs) and indigenous people and local communities (IPLC) in West and Central Africa. The project focused on increasing access to forest legislation, creating legal knowledge networks through Legal Working Groups (LWGs), and developing diagnostic tools to analyse the recognition of six focus rights: access to information, participation in decision-making, access to justice, property rights, rights of use, and the right to a share in profits. Key outcomes included the creation of legal databases, the provision of legal training, and the drafting of legislative proposals to improve forest governance and the implementation of Voluntary Partnership Agreements (VPAs) and the EU Timber Regulation (EUTR).

The policy brief advocates for a shift in how protected areas (PAs) in Africa are valued, moving beyond biodiversity to include measurable economic contributions. It suggests that integrating ecosystem services into national development planning and adopting innovative financing—such as payment for ecosystem services (PES), carbon offsets, and 'wildlife-friendly' product certifications—can secure investment and improve local livelihoods. The authors emphasize that PAs must be co-managed with local communities to ensure equitable benefit sharing and sustainable resource use.

The paper examines the impact of Chinese resources-for-infrastructure (R4I) swaps on the 'resource curse' in Africa, specifically analyzing mechanisms like price volatility, Dutch disease, rent-seeking, and political conflict. Through case studies of countries such as Angola, the DRC, and Ghana, the author finds that R4I swaps are neither inherently harmful nor a panacea; their developmental impact depends on the capacity of host government institutions to manage risks and opportunities.

The paper examines why elections in Africa often trigger violence and fail to legitimise power, attributing this to high stakes regarding access to state resources. It argues that technical fixes are insufficient and that stability requires inclusive political settlements, credible election management bodies (EMBs), and robust domestic observation and mediation systems involving civil society and traditional leaders.

The report identifies diverse strategies used by developing countries to protect tropical forests, ranging from national-scale policies in Brazil and India to community-led projects in Madagascar and Kenya. It highlights the effectiveness of REDD+ programs, payments for ecosystem services (PES), and governance reforms, while noting that success is often linked to broader socioeconomic development and the use of remote sensing technology for enforcement.

The document evaluates the African Union's (AU) efforts to promote democracy through electoral perspectives, arguing that while AU declarations have positively influenced the electoral landscape, elections often remain 'democratic liabilities' rather than assets. It identifies key setbacks including the resurgence of military coups, tenure elongation (the 'third term agenda'), and the refusal of incumbents to concede power. The author critiques AU election monitoring for being undermined by poor field coverage, a short-term focus on election-day events, and a tendency to be less critical of incumbents seeking re-election. The paper concludes that AU reports lack legal force and often conflict with domestic observer findings, necessitating a shift toward long-term monitoring and stronger collaboration with local civil society.

The report establishes a framework for evaluating the financial viability of power sectors through four key criteria: cost recovery, ability to meet demand, investment capacity, and adherence to social and environmental norms. It details specific metrics such as Levelized Cost of Electricity (LCOE), system losses, and the 'price-gap approach' for measuring subsidies. The analysis highlights global variances, noting that 82% of 87 analyzed countries provided electricity subsidies in 2011 and that power outages cause significant economic losses, averaging 19% of annual sales for affected firms. The framework also emphasizes the tension between achieving full cost recovery and maintaining affordability for low-income households, particularly in African nations.

The paper examines the tension between 'positive' and 'negative' governance values in Africa. While the African Union has established comprehensive frameworks like the APRM and ACDEG to promote transparency, accountability, and human rights, the author argues that a lack of political will and moral leadership hinders their implementation. The document highlights persistent issues such as systemic corruption, political clientelism, the marginalisation of women, and electoral manipulation, while noting that a small group of countries has made significant progress toward democratic governance.

The document analyzes state fragility in Africa as a self-reinforcing syndrome driven by poor governance, conflict, inequality, and poverty. Using the International Futures system, it forecasts that while 16 of the 26 identified fragile countries may transition toward resilience by 2050, ten are at risk of remaining in a 'fragility trap'. The authors emphasize that while Africa's overall economy is projected to grow significantly, the gap in extreme poverty between fragile and resilient states is expected to widen unless inclusive growth and improved governance are achieved.

Brazil provides technical assistance to Africa primarily through the Brazilian Cooperation Agency (ABC), focusing on South-South solidarity and the transfer of domestic expertise in agriculture, health, and social policy. While Brazil has established flagship projects like ProSavana in Mozambique and 'Cotton-4' in West Africa, the rapid expansion of these commitments has led to institutional overstretch, a lack of monitoring mechanisms, and a need for greater transparency and civil society involvement.

The document details a participatory vulnerability assessment conducted between 2011 and 2012 in the Tri-National de la Sangha (TNS) landscape of Cameroon. It identifies that local populations face increasing vulnerability due to erratic rainfall patterns and shifting seasons, which primarily impact agricultural production and food security. While livelihood diversification and non-timber forest products (NTFPs) provide essential safety nets, the report highlights a weakness in collective action for social infrastructure. To strengthen adaptive capacity, the authors suggest improving NTFP commercialisation, introducing alternative livelihoods like apiculture, enhancing agricultural yields to reduce forest pressure, and implementing participatory monitoring of deforestation.