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The document argues that climate action must be rights-based to be effective, urging COP-25 to ensure that Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and Article 6 mechanisms include social and environmental safeguards. It specifically calls for the ratification of the Escazú Agreement, the establishment of a financial mechanism for loss and damage under the Warsaw International Mechanism, and the integration of gender-responsive approaches in the Lima Work Programme. The briefing also emphasizes the need for independent grievance mechanisms in the Sustainable Development Mechanism to remedy harms to local communities and indigenous peoples.

The document advocates for enhancing public participation in climate policies by leveraging international legal instruments like the Aarhus Convention and the Escazú Agreement. It identifies specific entry points at COP-25—including Article 6 market mechanisms, the Lima Work Programme on Gender, and the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform—where procedural rights and safeguards for environmental defenders should be strengthened. It further suggests using the transparency framework's interactive dialogues to review how public participation improves national climate ambition.

The document provides statistical annexes detailing the frequency and magnitude of Member State requests for Total Allowable Catches (TACs) that exceeded scientific advice between 2017 and 2019. It tracks metrics for France, the United Kingdom, Portugal, Ireland, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Germany, Sweden, and Denmark, focusing on the number of comparisons where TACs were greater than advice and the average percentage by which they exceeded that advice.

The report finds that progress toward ending overfishing by 2020 has been too slow, with a majority of agreed TACs for 2019 still exceeding scientific advice. It highlights a systemic lack of ambition for stocks subject to precautionary advice and those classified as bycatch, while identifying specific Member States—including France, Ireland, and Spain—as frequent advocates for unsustainable catch limits. The document also criticizes the lack of transparency in the TAC-setting process and the potential for misleading reporting by the European Commission.

The We Mean Business coalition calls on governments to align their policies with the 1.5C warming limit to provide the clarity and confidence businesses need to invest in zero-carbon technologies. The statement highlights that while nearly 1,000 businesses have made climate commitments and over 190 are transitioning to 100% renewable electricity via RE100, decisive government action is required to embed carbon costs into financial systems and phase out fossil fuel subsidies. Key policy demands include strengthened Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), the implementation of TCFD recommendations, and support for the deployment of solar, wind, and electric vehicle infrastructure.

The assessment finds that green finance for forests is severely insufficient, totaling under USD 22 billion since 2010, and represents only 1.5% of total climate mitigation commitments from developed countries and multilateral institutions. While some domestic initiatives and Green Climate Fund projects show progress, private sector investment remains dominated by traditional 'grey finance' with few mandatory safeguards to prevent deforestation in commodity supply chains.

The report finds that German lignite plants became significantly unprofitable in the first half of 2019, with the entire fleet losing €664 million. Old units (pre-1990) were hardest hit, with gross profits falling 62% to €188 million. The analysis suggests that 24/7 baseload operation is no longer economic and predicts a €1.8 billion loss for old units between 2020 and 2022. Consequently, the author recommends that the German government push for faster closures, reject excessive compensation claims, and implement a minimum carbon price to prevent future profitability.

The author contends that the European Union's handling of the 2008 economic crisis eroded public trust and democratic legitimacy, leaving it ill-equipped to face urgent challenges like climate change. To avoid public rejection and the rise of the far-right, the document proposes transforming EU institutions to be more permeable to citizen participation and reconstructing a common narrative based on solidarity and shared European values.

The report examines how disparities in the implementation of the IUU Regulation across EU Member States create risks that illegal fishery products are diverted to countries with stricter controls, such as Spain, through intra-EU trade. It analyzes three scenarios: third-country products in transit, third-country products already imported by another Member State, and products produced within the EU. While the free movement of goods under the TFEU limits systematic 'double-checking' of Union goods, the report identifies that random sample checks and requirements to prove Union goods status remain viable tools. It recommends that the European Commission harmonize IUU Regulation implementation and that Spain increase random checks and resources for the General Secretariat of Fisheries (SGP).

The analysis of draft NECPs reveals that the EU is set to miss its 2030 coal phase-out goals, with 11 Member States planning no phase-out and 60 GW of coal capacity projected to remain. The report highlights a disconnect where countries receiving EU just transition funding, such as Poland and Czechia, lack credible phase-out plans in their NECPs.

The report analyzes the legal landscape for RES prosumers and renewable energy communities (REComs) in the EU and nine Member States: Belgium/Flanders, Croatia, France, Germany, Italy, Portugal, Spain, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. It finds a significant gap between recent EU-level efforts to promote active citizen participation—such as the RED II and the draft recast Electricity Directive—and the diverse, often restrictive, national laws. While some countries like Germany and France have more advanced frameworks, others like Portugal and Belgium/Flanders face substantial regulatory barriers, including the lack of legal definitions for energy communities and restrictions on peer-to-peer energy sharing. The report concludes that EU legislation is likely to drive national policy changes toward more progressive, citizen-centered energy models.

The document analyzes the scale of plastic pollution in China, noting that China's 2017 plastic production was approximately 75 million tons. It details the EU's comprehensive approach, including the Waste Framework Directive and the Packaging and Packaging Waste Directive, which utilize Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) to shift financial and operational burdens to producers. The paper highlights EU targets under 'Plastics 2030' to make all plastic packaging reusable or recyclable by 2030. It concludes by recommending that China upgrade its legal systems, adopt whole-process management from production to disposal, and cooperate with the EU on transboundary waste treatment and global governance.

The European Defence Fund (EDF) represents a significant shift in EU policy, marking the first time the Union directly invests public funds into military technologies. With an estimated 13 billion euro allocated for 2021-2027, the fund aims to enhance the European Defence Technological and Industrial Base (EDTIB) and achieve 'strategic autonomy' by funding cutting-edge research and interoperable capabilities. A specific portion (4% to 8%) is dedicated to 'disruptive technologies,' such as artificial intelligence and robotics. However, the initiative faces criticism over the potential for 'corporate capture' by the defence industry, a lack of transparency in fund management, and a perceived shift in the EU's identity from a peace project to a military investor.

Global green bond issuance grew by 3% in 2018 to USD 167.3bn, with the USA, China, and France remaining the top national markets. While growth slowed compared to 2017, the broader labelled bond market—including sustainability and social bonds—increased by 13% to USD 226.1bn. The Asia-Pacific region saw the highest growth rate at 35%, and financial corporates became a primary driver of issuance. The report also notes a trend toward larger, benchmark-sized bonds and the emergence of sovereign blue bonds.

The draft Strategic Plan (2019–2044) outlines the IAI's vision to create a sustainable and informed American continent through science-based policy. It focuses on three main themes: meeting the needs of member states regarding global environmental change, advancing science for sustainability (covering food, water, energy, and biodiversity), and ensuring the IAI's own institutional sustainability through improved communication and funding. The plan emphasizes transdisciplinary research, open data, and the inclusion of underrepresented groups such as indigenous peoples and women.

The author asserts that energy efficiency is a critical, underutilized tool for reducing global CO2 emissions and enhancing the reliability of renewable energy. By utilizing existing technologies such as thermal storage and district heating, the global energy system can become more flexible and cost-effective, as the cheapest energy is that which is not consumed.

The report explores the integration of 'fintech' (IoT, big data, AI, and blockchain) into environmental science to address water challenges exacerbated by climate change. Through case studies like the Jefferson Project and Copernicus, it demonstrates how real-time data and advanced analytics enable early warning systems, fill critical data gaps, and inform sustainable decision-making in watersheds, agriculture, and urban environments.

The report details a growing movement across Europe to replace the 'war on drugs' with policies based on harm reduction, public health, and human rights. It provides country-specific accounts from Belgium, the Czech Republic, France, Germany, Hungary, the Netherlands, Poland, Spain, and the UK, highlighting a tension between restrictive national laws and progressive proposals for decriminalisation, legalisation of cannabis, and the implementation of safe consumption rooms.

The author examines the tension between maintaining the US-led 'nuclear sharing' system and pursuing European strategic autonomy. While some propose a Franco-German nuclear cooperation to replace the US umbrella, the author warns against European militarism and instead advocates for a diplomatic strategy of preventive denuclearization, drawing on the Rapacki Plan to reduce nuclear stockpiles in Europe and move toward a world without nuclear weapons.

The document advocates for the European Union to lead the 'Mission 2020' initiative, which aims to bend the global emissions curve by 2020 to stay within the 2-degree Celsius limit of the Paris Agreement. It argues that the EU can use its existing institutional frameworks, specifically regional cohesion and structural funds, to support a just transition toward low-carbon economies. The text emphasizes a shift from centralized energy production to decentralized, community-based renewable energy systems to empower local actors and counteract populist movements. It cites historical industrial transitions in regions like the Ruhr Area as evidence that such structural changes can be managed. Additionally, it highlights the role of bottom-up movements, such as the Transition Town Movement and the fossil fuel divestment movement, in driving decarbonization.