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The author contends that the current political crisis in Europe, often labeled as the rise of 'illiberal democracy,' is more accurately described as the rise of 'authoritarian capitalism.' This shift is driven by the incompatibility of global economic integration, national states, and democracy, which has left marginalized groups—described as 'vagabonds'—vulnerable to right-wing exploitation. The text argues that left-wing parties have failed by adopting economic liberalism and neglecting the working class, and suggests that only a return to egalitarian principles and a confrontation with the capitalist system can restore democratic legitimacy in Europe.

The author argues that pro-Kremlin media systematically misrepresent the European Union as a weak entity failing to manage 'multiculturalism' and the migrant crisis. This narrative is often amplified by EU-based media and xenophobic political rhetoric within EU Member States, such as in Poland and the Czech Republic. The document suggests that relying on government-run communication agencies like East StratCom is insufficient and instead recommends investing in independent Russian-language media and promoting nuanced, fact-based reporting within the EU to counter these narratives.

The text examines the synergy between Russian state-sponsored disinformation and rising xenophobic rhetoric within EU member states. It highlights how pro-Kremlin outlets frame the EU as weak and 'multiculturalism' as a disease to fuel anti-EU sentiment. The author argues that relying solely on official strategic communication agencies is insufficient and instead advocates for supporting independent Russian-language journalism and promoting nuanced, fact-based discourse within the EU to counter these narratives.

The report details the technical specifications, deployment history, and systemic failures of the US Ground Based Interceptor (GBI) and its associated kill vehicles. It highlights a pattern of deploying hardware and software before adequate flight testing, resulting in numerous design flaws, manufacturing errors, and failed intercept tests across multiple versions of the kill vehicle (CE-I, CE-II, and CE-II Block 1). The document also outlines future development plans for the Redesigned Kill Vehicle (RKV) and Multi-Object Kill Vehicles (MOKV), while discussing the kinematics of SM-3 interceptors as potential alternatives.

The report finds that EU coal-fired power plants were responsible for approximately 22,900 premature deaths in 2013, with health costs estimated between 32.4 and 62.3 billion Euros. A significant portion of these impacts is cross-border; for example, coal plants in Poland and Germany caused over 7,000 premature deaths in other countries. The analysis identifies the 'Toxic 30' plants responsible for 51% of these deaths and the 'Dirty 30' plants contributing nearly half of the EU coal fleet's CO2 emissions. The authors advocate for a full coal phase-out, structural reform of the EU Emissions Trading System, and the implementation of an Emissions Performance Standard to meet Paris Agreement goals.

The 2015 EU ETS emissions fell by 0.6% to 1802mt, driven by a 0.6% decrease in power and heat emissions and a 0.3% decrease in industrial emissions. Notable national trends include a 23% drop in UK coal power emissions and an 11% increase in Netherlands power emissions due to new coal plants. The report highlights a long-term trend of renewables displacing fossil fuels in the European power sector.

The policy brief examines Article 10c of the EU ETS Directive, which allows lower-income Member States in Central and Eastern Europe to grant free emission allowances to the power sector provided they invest the equivalent value in energy system modernisation. The author argues that this mechanism has largely subsidised coal power and fossil fuel infrastructure rather than diversifying energy mixes, citing examples in Poland, the Czech Republic, and Romania. It highlights failures in transparency, public consultation, and additionality, specifically noting investments in the Belchatow power station. The brief recommends that the post-2020 revision implement a competitive bidding process for all investments, exclude coal from eligibility, and ensure open public consultation to align the mechanism with EU decarbonisation goals.

Professor Bronisław Geremek discusses the historical significance of the 2007 Schengen Area expansion, which integrated nine 2004 EU accession states. He frames the removal of internal border controls as a realization of the 'Four Freedoms' and a critical step toward full European citizenship for Central and Eastern Europeans. However, he warns that this internal openness necessitates strengthened external borders, potentially creating a 'Fortress Europe' that excludes neighbors to the east and undocumented immigrants.

The text discusses the historical significance of the December 2007 expansion of the Schengen Area, which integrated 9 of the 10 countries that joined the EU in 2004. It frames the removal of internal border controls as a realization of the 'four freedoms' and a step toward a unified European identity, particularly for citizens of Central and Eastern Europe who previously lived under Soviet domination. However, the author notes that this internal openness necessitates stricter external borders, raising concerns about the creation of a 'Fortress Europe' and a 'new iron curtain' affecting relations with non-EU neighbors like Ukraine.

The European power sector saw a record increase in renewables generation in 2015, yet CO2 emissions fell by only an estimated 0.5% due to offsetting increases in coal generation in several countries and a rebound in electricity demand. While the UK experienced a collapse in coal generation, this was countered by growth in the Netherlands, Spain, and Poland. The report forecasts a further 21% drop in EU ETS emissions from 2014 to 2020, suggesting the EU is on track to surpass its 20% economy-wide CO2 cut target.

The author contends that the rise of right-wing and left-wing populism in Europe is fueled by the failure of national governments to deliver common EU policies for social division, climate collapse, and economic instability. The text advocates for a 'Green New Deal' to steer capital toward ecological modernization, a collaborative taxation policy to end corporate tax dumping, and systemic reforms to increase transparency and reduce the influence of economic lobbies within EU institutions. It specifically calls for the cessation of free trade agreements like TTIP, CETA, and TiSA, arguing they limit European democracy.

The author calls for a shift from technocratic management to bold common European policies to combat the rise of right-wing populism and national sovereignty movements. Key proposals include a 'Green New Deal' to direct excess capital into ecological modernization, a coordinated fight against corporate tax dumping, and the strengthening of civil society and transparency to reduce the influence of corporate lobbies. The author specifically advocates for the rejection of trade agreements like TTIP, CETA, and TiSA, which are viewed as constraints on democratic governance.

The COP22 conference in Marrakech focused on establishing the 'rulebook' for the Paris Agreement, with parties agreeing to a 2018 deadline for its operationalization. Key outcomes included the approval of a work programme for transparency and adaptation, the announcement of US$81 million for the Adaptation Fund, and the launch of the Marrakech Partnership for Global Climate Action to catalyze pre-2020 efforts. Despite political uncertainty regarding the United States, the document notes a strong commitment from emerging economies and the private sector to pursue a low-carbon transition.

The document argues that the 'commons'—resources managed by autonomous citizens through cooperation and reciprocity—offer a necessary third way between the state and the market. It explores various applications, from urban 'commoning' in Italy and France to seed-saving in India and the legal challenges of space mining. The text highlights how neoliberal privatisation has driven a 'third wave' of collective action and calls for EU policy to shift from a growth-centric model to one that supports stewardship and social-ecological sustainability.

The study explores 'practiced citizenship' among Polish migrants in Oslo, Bergen, Bristol, and Sheffield, arguing that integration is a multi-layered process of 'balancing acts' between local, national, and transnational dimensions. While both countries show similar reliance on social networks for migration, the UK is perceived as more accommodating of socio-cultural diversity, whereas Polish migrants in Norway reported exclusionary experiences related to their names and a lack of trust in state institutions, specifically the child protection services. Socio-economic patterns differ by demographic, with the UK attracting more young, highly educated graduates and Norway seeing a higher proportion of skilled male construction workers. Political engagement is frequently mediated through online platforms, particularly in the UK, where some migrants view the political environment as more enabling than in Poland.

The document examines the psychological and social drivers of climate action, arguing that values, social norms, and trust are more influential than scientific knowledge alone. It provides strategic principles for communicators, emphasizing the need to avoid alarmism, tailor messages to specific audiences, and leverage trusted messengers to overcome political polarization and the 'information deficit' myth.

The document outlines critical areas for climate finance at COP 21, emphasizing the need for developed countries to meet the $100 billion annual goal by 2020, increasing funding for adaptation, and improving transparency in reporting finance flows. It highlights recent pledges from various nations and argues for a shift in trillions of dollars from high-emissions to low-emissions activities.

The Global Climate Policy Conference 2015 explored innovative research-driven approaches to climate action, focusing on the intersection of development, adaptation, carbon pricing, and state accountability. Key discussions highlighted the need for a 'club' approach to carbon pricing and technology, the importance of microfinance and local capacity in adaptation, and the role of basic energy research in breaking the link between emissions and economic growth.

The author contends that the Russian leadership's 'imperial rationality' and aggression in Ukraine have invalidated previous EU hopes that economic cooperation would foster Russian democratization. The text highlights a lack of unity among EU member states, where some maintain ties with Russian energy entities while others impose restrictions. It argues that energy security requires moving beyond simple route diversification toward systemic energy efficiency and renewable energy to reduce financial, technological, and fuel dependencies, including those in the nuclear sector.

The study finds that approximately 75% of Joint Implementation (JI) offsets likely did not represent additional emission reductions, potentially increasing global GHG emissions by 600 million tonnes of CO2 equivalent. The analysis highlights systemic failures in additionality testing, the prevalence of retroactive crediting, and the lack of international oversight in Track 1 projects, particularly in countries with significant Assigned Amount Unit (AAU) surpluses like Russia and Ukraine.