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The author argues that the EU's new Pact on Migration and Asylum represents a victory for immigration hardliners by expanding border procedures and reducing protection standards. The deal maintains the problematic Dublin rules and introduces a 'flexible' solidarity mechanism that allows member states to avoid relocating asylum seekers through financial contributions. The author contends that the pact increases the risk of detention and pushbacks at external borders, particularly impacting Mediterranean countries and refugees, while potentially benefiting smugglers.

The report assesses Europe's theoretical CO2 storage capacity, estimating it between 262 and 1520 GtCO2, and matches this against industrial and non-industrial CCS demand scenarios for 2035 and 2050. It compares 'Export' scenarios (limited key basins) with 'Domestic' scenarios (widespread storage), finding that while Europe has sufficient long-term theoretical capacity, current announced projects are insufficient for 2035 demand. The analysis highlights that widespread domestic storage could halve transport CAPEX costs compared to export-heavy models, though certain regions like Northern Italy, the German North Sea, and Switzerland may face capacity constraints under high-demand scenarios.

The report asserts that the EU cannot reach net zero by 2050 without large-scale deployment of CCUS, estimating a need to capture and store between 300 and 640 Mt of CO2 annually by 2050. It highlights a significant gap between current project announcements and the necessary infrastructure, particularly in CO2 transport and geological storage. The authors recommend that the European Commission establish clear targets, a regulatory framework for CO2 grids, and financial mechanisms like Carbon Contracts for Difference (CCfD) to de-risk investments. The document specifically identifies 'hard-to-abate' sectors—such as cement, steel, and waste-to-energy—as critical areas where CCUS is either the lowest-cost or only viable decarbonisation pathway. It also emphasizes the necessity of technology-based carbon dioxide removals (CDR) via BECCS and DACS to balance residual emissions.

The study finds that in eight of the nine researched EU Member States, there are no instances of NGOs bringing actions against State aid measures. It highlights a systemic lack of standing for non-competitors, limited transparency regarding aid schemes, and inconsistent public consultation practices, which collectively hinder the enforcement of EU environmental law in State aid matters.

Analysis of 2022 EU-ETS data shows that the ten largest emitters in the system are all coal power plants, which together account for 13% of total EU-ETS emissions and 25% of power sector emissions. Germany and Poland are the primary contributors, together responsible for two-thirds of coal power emissions. Three utilities—RWE, PGE, and EPH—dominate the sector, collectively accounting for 30% of power sector emissions. While coal emissions rose 6% in 2022 due to the energy crisis, the long-term trend remains a decline, with 2022 levels 40% lower than a decade ago.

The report identifies that the ten largest emitters in the EU-ETS are all coal power plants, which together account for 25% of the power sector's emissions. While 2022 saw a 6% increase in coal emissions due to the energy crisis, the long-term trend remains a decline. Germany and Poland dominate the emissions landscape, and three utilities—RWE, PGE, and EPH—have remained the top emitters for six consecutive years.

The report argues that Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries can significantly lower wholesale power prices and enhance energy security by accelerating the deployment of wind and solar energy. By targeting 200 GW of capacity by 2030, the region could reach a 63% share of renewables in electricity generation. The analysis emphasizes that cross-country collaboration is essential to unlock over 100 GW of offshore wind potential and that aligning national strategies with EU policy could unlock approximately €137 billion in public funding.

Clean Air Task Force (CATF) conducted a multi-country survey of over 430 oil and gas sites across 15 European countries between February 2021 and March 2023 using optical gas imaging (OGI). The survey found evidence of methane emissions at 289 sites, identifying 881 sources of emissions. The report highlights that emissions occur at every stage of the supply chain, with storage tanks, vent stacks, unlit flares, and piping leaks being the most common sources. It specifically notes significant maintenance failures in Romania and continuous venting at various compressor stations across the bloc. CATF argues that voluntary industry commitments and self-reporting are insufficient, as observed emissions often contradict corporate claims. The report recommends that the EU adopt a comprehensive LDAR program, ban routine venting and flaring, establish a mandatory monitor, report, and verify (MRV) system, implement tough import standards for fossil fuels, and create a program to remediate abandoned wells.

The report analyzes how UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies (HRTBs) are increasingly integrating climate change into their oversight of State obligations. In 2022, HRTBs made 95 references to climate change in their pronouncements, reflecting a trend toward treating the climate crisis as an urgent human rights issue. Key focus areas include the obligation of developed states to mitigate emissions, the need to phase out fossil fuels, and the protection of vulnerable groups such as children, women, persons with disabilities, and Indigenous Peoples. A landmark decision by the Human Rights Committee in Billy et al. v. Australia established a State's duty to protect individuals under its jurisdiction from climate impacts and provide effective remedies. The report emphasizes the growing role of HRTBs in defining extraterritorial obligations and the duty to regulate private corporate actors contributing to environmental degradation.

The report analyzes the increasing engagement of UN human rights treaty bodies (HRTBs) with climate change, noting that in 2022, 52 percent of outputs to States included climate-related recommendations. It highlights a shift toward more specific demands regarding mitigation, the phasing out of fossil fuels, and the protection of vulnerable groups, including children, women, and Indigenous Peoples. A landmark decision by the Human Rights Committee in Billy et al. v. Australia established a State's duty to protect individuals from climate impacts and provide effective remedy. The document argues for further HRTB guidance on extraterritorial obligations and the regulation of private business actors to prevent climate-induced human rights violations.

Ember submits that Method 1 for estimating methane emissions from Queensland open cut coal mines is inadequate because it relies on State-based averages that ignore spatial and temporal variability and disguise 'super emitters'. The document recommends phasing out Method 1 in favor of a multi-input measurement model combining geotechnical cores, drones, fixed monitoring, and satellite verification to ensure accurate reporting and support Australia's climate targets.

The EU power system successfully navigated the 2022-2023 winter without a return to coal, as record renewable generation and significant electricity demand reductions—driven by emergency legislation, high prices, and mild weather—led to renewables providing a higher share of electricity than fossil fuels for the first time in a winter period.

In 2022, solar and wind power continued their rapid growth, with solar being the fastest-growing source and wind recording the largest absolute increase. Conversely, nuclear power saw a significant decline, primarily driven by outages in France and Germany. Coal generation reached an all-time record high of 10,186 TWh, although its overall share of the global electricity mix slightly decreased. Hydro power rebounded after a poor 2021 but remains below 2020 levels due to droughts in Europe. Fossil gas generation remained relatively stable despite supply chain disruptions. To align with the IEA Net Zero Emissions scenario by 2030, the report argues that solar and wind must sustain high annual growth rates, coal and unabated gas must be phased out, and nuclear power must grow more rapidly than its recent historical average.

A coalition of environmental organisations opposes the Swedish EU Presidency's effort to delete Article 16 from the proposed Nature Restoration Law, which would have granted citizens and NGOs the right to challenge the legality of national restoration plans. The signatories argue that relying on recitals or the Aarhus Convention is insufficient due to inconsistent compliance across EU Member States and the risk of irreparable environmental damage, as seen in Poland and Romania.

In 2022, Türkiye's coal generation returned to its previous peak of 113.6 TWh, driven largely by imported coal, with Russia becoming the primary supplier and the import bill reaching a record $5.3 billion. While wind and solar combined for a 15.5% share of generation, solar deployment lags behind its potential and faces grid capacity barriers. Hydropower proved critical for energy security during a ten-day gas supply disruption from Iran in January 2022, demonstrating its flexibility as a complement to variable renewables.

Natural gas is the fastest growing source of CO2 emissions from fossil fuels, with methane leakage potentially making its climate impact equivalent to coal. To align with the 1.5°C goal, global gas production and consumption must decrease by 30% by 2030 and 65% by 2050, with developed countries phasing out gas power by 2035. The document rejects the use of gas as a bridge fuel or a solution to the 2022 energy crisis, noting that expanding infrastructure creates stranded asset risks, particularly for non-OECD countries. It further argues that converting gas infrastructure to hydrogen is technically unproven and economically inefficient, and highlights severe public health risks associated with gas extraction, flaring, and domestic use.

The briefing examines the phenomenon of 'weaponized migration,' where states use vulnerable migrants as political pawns, as seen in Belarus's actions toward the EU. It argues that as climate change increases human displacement, this tactic is likely to become more common, necessitating a US policy shift that recognizes climate change as a driver of migration.

The document examines the 'weaponization' of migration, where states like Belarus use vulnerable people as political pawns, and warns that intensifying climate change will increase this risk. It highlights how misinformation and the lack of international legal protections for 'climate refugees' make displaced populations susceptible to manipulation. The author argues that the U.S. is vulnerable to similar tactics due to its 'broken immigration system' and the confusion surrounding programs like Temporary Protected Status (TPS). To mitigate these risks, the briefing recommends that the U.S. reexamine the definition of a refugee to include climate-displaced persons, implement regional free-movement agreements, and utilize humanitarian parole for climate-vulnerable populations.

The report identifies two primary loopholes in the EU methane regulation: the weakening of venting thresholds for thermal coal and the delayed regulation of coking coal. These gaps are projected to result in an additional 2.2 million tonnes of methane emissions by 2050, failing the EU's 58% reduction goal. The analysis highlights that Poland is the primary source of EU coal mine methane (CMM), with seven high-methane thermal coal mines accounting for all of Poland's reported thermal hard coal emissions. Ember recommends tightening venting thresholds to 1 tonne methane/kilotonne of coal by 2030, prioritizing the retirement of high-methane mines, and implementing a 5 tonne threshold for coking coal to avoid 3 million tonnes of methane by 2050. Additionally, the report notes that Romania's abandoned mines represent a significant opportunity for methane capture, potentially generating 0.5 TWh of electricity.

ClientEarth asserts that current REACH enforcement is insufficient and inconsistent across EU Member States, creating an uneven playing field and failing to protect human health and the environment. The document details high non-compliance rates across registration, supply chain, downstream user, restriction, and authorisation obligations. It proposes a comprehensive reform package including a Commission-led EU audit system, the power for ECHA to revoke registration numbers ('no data, no market'), 'name and shame' transparency measures, and turnover-based fines of at least 8% for serious breaches of authorisation and restriction decisions.