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FENACOCA issued a public statement in August 2007 rejecting oil exploration in proposed Cacataibo territorial reserves in Peru, citing risks to those in voluntary isolation. The organization demanded the Peruvian state finalize the creation of these reserves, requested precautionary measures from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, and conditioned negotiations with the company "PETROLIFERA" on a guarantee of non-entry into the reserves.

The document examines demand-side timber legality laws across five major importing markets, comparing their scope, actor obligations, and enforcement mechanisms to identify effective legislative options for reducing illegal logging.

The guide provides a comprehensive analysis of the legal frameworks governing the trade of tangible and intangible biodiversity assets in the Andean Region. It examines the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and Andean Community (CAN) Decision 391 regarding genetic resources, the CITES convention for endangered species, and WTO agreements (Agriculture, SPS, TBT, and GATS) for agricultural and intermediate products. It also addresses the protection of traditional knowledge, intellectual property rights, and the opportunities for Andean countries to participate in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) under the Kyoto Protocol to mitigate climate change.

The document synthesizes the work of UN human rights treaty bodies (HRTBs) in addressing climate change, specifically focusing on Concluding Observations issued to States. It highlights that while climate change is not explicitly in key human rights treaties, HRTBs increasingly use their monitoring roles to argue that protecting human rights requires specific climate action. The report details recommendations across several themes, including the disproportionate impacts on women, children, and indigenous peoples, the need for gender-sensitive and child-sensitive climate strategies, and the obligation of some States to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and fossil fuel extraction to meet human rights standards. It provides detailed analysis of the three most active bodies: CEDAW, CESCR, and CRC.

The report outlines how the CEDAW Committee interprets States' obligations to ensure gender-responsive climate action, emphasizing the particular vulnerabilities of rural and older women and the necessity of women's participation in decision-making.

The statement, signed by several international NGOs, contends that the WTO is an inappropriate forum for investment negotiations because it would limit the ability of developing nations to regulate foreign direct investment (FDI) for development goals. It highlights risks such as the erosion of performance requirements and the imbalance of the WTO's dispute settlement system, which it claims favors industrialized nations. The authors argue that the 'Doha Development Agenda' should prioritize existing issues like agriculture and TRIPS over new investment rules, calling for a halt to negotiations until developing countries have the resources to evaluate the implications.

The document advocates for a land-use framework in the post-2020 climate agreement based on four principles: rights, ambition, equity, and biodiversity. It warns that treating terrestrial carbon sequestration as fungible with fossil fuel emissions undermines climate ambition and risks human rights violations. The authors recommend separate targets for industrial and land-based emissions, the protection of tenure rights for indigenous peoples and local communities, and a per capita allocation of agricultural emissions to ensure global food security.

The paper analyzes the convergence of human rights and environmental law, arguing that a healthy environment is a prerequisite for the enjoyment of fundamental human rights. It explores legal tools within the Inter-American System—such as precautionary measures, admissibility exceptions, and state responsibility for third-party actions—to address environmental degradation. Through a comparative analysis of jurisprudence from the Inter-American, African, and European systems, the author demonstrates how rights to life, integrity, property, and information are increasingly interpreted to include environmental dimensions, emphasizing the state's duty of due diligence to prevent harm from industrial activities.

The author analyzes the growing consensus among developing nations and some developed entities regarding the need for a 'disclosure of origin' requirement in the patent system to prevent the misappropriation of genetic resources and traditional knowledge. This effort is framed within the context of Paragraph 19 of the Doha Declaration, which tasks the TRIPS Council with examining the relationship between the TRIPS Agreement and the CBD. While countries like Brazil, India, and others advocate for mandatory disclosure and proof of prior informed consent and benefit-sharing, opposition remains from the United States and Japan, though the European Union and Switzerland have shown varying degrees of openness to such systems.

The report examines the critical role of land and resource tenure in community-based conservation, contrasting the often-destructive nature of state-owned 'public' tenure with the adaptive and sustainable characteristics of community-based systems. It argues that when states delegitimize local tenure, they often create 'open access' conditions that lead to biodiversity loss and resource pillaging. Conversely, secure community tenure—characterized by flexible, overlapping rights and deep ecological knowledge—tends to support long-term resource stability. The authors advocate for the official state recognition of community perimeters rather than the detailed codification of customary laws, which can disrupt local flexibility. While acknowledging that tenure alone does not guarantee conservation success, the text concludes that the erosion of community rights is a primary driver of environmental degradation in many developing nations.

CIEL argues that WIPO's response to the CBD must recognize the CBD's leading role in biodiversity and focus on creating mandatory international rules to prevent the misappropriation of genetic resources. The document criticizes the first draft for failing to emphasize the prevention of intellectual property system misuse and for not sufficiently incorporating the views of developing countries and NGOs. CIEL suggests that equitable principles, such as the 'unclean hands' doctrine, should be used to justify mandatory disclosure requirements and sanctions for non-compliance to ensure that intellectual property rights do not reward inequitable conduct.

The document catalogues alleged human rights implications across numerous international projects in sectors such as mining, energy, and forestry. It organizes these cases by the specific right implicated, including the rights to adequate food, housing, health, and life, as well as freedoms from forced labor and torture. The case studies highlight recurring issues such as forced resettlement, environmental contamination of water and land, the use of military force to suppress protests, and inadequate compensation for displaced populations.

The report examines 38 cases of international arbitration brought by mining companies against Latin American states, highlighting a pattern where corporate legal protections are used to bypass national courts and penalize governments for implementing public health, environmental, or indigenous rights policies. It identifies Canada as a primary source of mining investment and litigation in the region and argues that the current ISDS framework creates a 'chilling effect' on democratic regulation. The document details specific cases in countries such as El Salvador, Colombia, and Venezuela, and proposes a shift toward a legal framework that prioritizes human rights and environmental protection over investor profits.

The document examines how Peru's regulatory framework for the timber industry facilitates illegal logging, which in turn threatens the success of REDD+ (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) efforts. It highlights that illegal logging may account for up to 80% of exported timber and that 68.3% of supervised logging concessions have been cancelled or are under investigation for serious violations. The author argues that project-level improvements are insufficient to prevent 'leakage' (emissions shifting to other areas) or ensure 'permanence' (long-term emission reductions) without national-level legal reform and clearer international guidelines from the UNFCCC on Safeguard Information Systems (SIS).

The report argues that the climate crisis is a human rights crisis, creating a legal obligation for States and corporations to provide effective remedy and reparations. It critiques the UNFCCC's voluntary approach to loss and damage, highlighting how it fails to uphold human rights standards and is hampered by debt injustice in the Global South. The document outlines legal pathways through international courts (ICJ, ITLOS, IACtHR) and national litigation to enforce accountability. Finally, it proposes six guiding principles for climate reparations—victim-centric, inclusive, intersectional, adequate, accountable, and trackable—drawing on lessons from other large-scale harm mechanisms.

The report argues that the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) lacks substantive new environmental obligations and relies on enforcement mechanisms that have historically proven ineffective in other U.S. free trade agreements (FTAs). It highlights the absence of a reference to climate change and the elimination of independent oversight bodies, such as a Secretariat. Furthermore, the document identifies Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) as a significant threat, noting its potential to 'chill' environmental regulation and allow corporations to sue governments over public interest laws.

The report argues that the UAE used extensive PR campaigns to rebrand itself as a climate leader to secure the hosting of COP28, while simultaneously planning to expand oil and gas production. It identifies 18 agencies that worked for the UAE, COP28, ADNOC, or Masdar between 2021 and 2023, noting that many of these firms simultaneously held contracts with major fossil fuel polluters. The document details specific tactics used to manipulate public opinion, including the editing of Wikipedia pages by COP28 staff and the use of AI-generated social media bots for astroturfing. It concludes by calling on the creative industry to stop working with fossil fuel clients to support a genuine energy transition.

The green bond market experienced rapid growth between 2013 and 2016, with total emissions reaching USD 81 billion in 2016. The market is increasingly dominated by the private sector, with corporate and bank emissions rising from less than 1% in 2010 to 66% in 2016. While mitigation projects—specifically clean energy, energy efficiency, and low-carbon transport—receive approximately 75% of funds, financing for adaptation grew from less than 1% in 2011 to 5% of total emissions, driven largely by US municipalities. China emerged as a leading market, projecting to be the largest globally. To support the Paris Agreement, the Climate Bonds Initiative targets annual green bond emissions of USD 1 trillion by 2020. The document recommends that governments implement national capital mobilization plans, apply international standards like the Green Bond Principles and Climate Bonds Standard, and develop national verifier networks to reduce market friction and prevent greenwashing.

The criteria for low carbon buildings in Peru prohibit the use of fossil fuels for HVAC, hot water, and cooking, with exceptions for emergency backup generators. Social housing certified under the Mivivienda Verde Certificate is eligible if it proves equivalence to EDGE Certification and aligns with Climate Bonds requirements for buildings constructed after January 1, 2024. Residential property upgrades are eligible if they achieve operating energy emission reductions of 30% for 5-year bonds or 50% for 30-year bonds.

The document highlights the synergies between climate change mitigation and the prevention of non-communicable diseases (NCDs), identifying key areas for multisectoral intervention. It emphasizes that shifting to clean energy, promoting active transport, and adopting sustainable food systems can reduce both greenhouse gas emissions and NCD risk factors like air pollution and physical inactivity. The briefing advocates for policy coherence across government ministries and a whole-of-society approach to achieve these health and environmental co-benefits.