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The document argues that conflict-related sexual violence is not inevitable, as evidenced by armed groups that successfully prohibit it. It identifies causes of such violence—ranging from opportunistic gratification to strategic instrumental use—and proposes six primary avenues for prevention: changing social and military norms, creating safer physical spaces, improving reporting mechanisms, ending impunity, ensuring commander accountability, and integrating prevention into post-war DDR processes.

The provided text is a list of academic references from the Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research. It catalogues research on tree-ring analysis (dendrochronology), glacier recession, and precipitation patterns in the Andes, the Canadian Rockies, and Mexico.

The document argues that the Peruvian state violated international human rights law by granting mining concessions in the Tiquillaca district without prior consultation with the Arboleda and other indigenous peoples. It asserts that under the American Convention on Human Rights and ILO Convention 169, such consultations must occur during the earliest planning stages and, for large-scale projects, require free, prior, and informed consent. The authors contend that the failure to consult renders the concessions null and void, requiring the judiciary to review them to ensure the survival and territorial rights of the affected communities.

The document condemns the Peruvian government for an 'alarmante escalada de represión' involving firearms and helicopters against environmental protesters. It highlights casualties in El Espinar, Bambamarca, and Celedín, and denounces the arbitrary detention of community leader Marco Arana. The statement specifically calls on the multinational company Newmont to address the violence surrounding the Conga mining project, which threatens regional water sources.

Friends of the Earth International condemns the Peruvian government for using disproportionate force, including firearms from helicopters, against environmental protesters. The statement highlights deaths and injuries in El Espinar, Bambamarca, and Celedín, and denounces the arbitrary detention of Father Marco Arana. It calls for an end to the repression and demands a statement from the multinational company Newmont regarding the violence associated with the Conga project.

The IAI's 2012-2013 plan includes the launch of CRN3, co-financing agreements with the NSF's PIRE program, and a MacArthur Foundation project on biodiversity in the tropical Andes. Capacity building events are scheduled for Chile, the Dominican Republic, and Ecuador, alongside an editorial forum in Buenos Aires. Administratively, the institute plans to move to Montevideo to address operational instability.

The IAI Scientific Advisory Committee (SAC) managed the review and selection of CRN3 proposals from June 2011 to June 2012. Out of 88 pre-proposals, 26 full proposals were reviewed, and 8 were selected for funding. These 8 projects involve 117 investigators from 75 institutions across 16 countries. The SAC emphasized the need for multi-country teams, capacity building, and the integration of human dimensions and social sciences into climate research.

The document is a participant list for the IAI 20th Conference of the Parties and associated Science-Policy Dialogue held on June 27-29, 2012, in Arlington, Virginia. It lists representatives from various governments, academic institutions, and international organizations.

The IAI Executive Council met on June 26, 2012, to address operational budgets, scientific research grants, and governance restructuring. Key outcomes include the recommendation of a tripartite headquarters model distributed across Uruguay, Brazil, and Argentina, and the approval of eight research projects under the third round of the Collaborative Research Network (CRN3) program. The Council also reviewed financial reports for the 2011-2012 fiscal year, noting a total of US$1.3 million in pending member contributions.

The IAI Work Plan 2012-2013 details the implementation of the CRN3 program, small grants, and a MacArthur Foundation project on biodiversity in the tropical Andes. Capacity building includes training on water resource management in Chile and science-policy interface colloquia in the Dominican Republic and Ecuador, alongside an editorial forum in Argentina. Administratively, the institute aims to resolve operational instabilities and relocate to Montevideo.

The report details the financial status of the Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research for the 2011/2012 fiscal year. While 99.5% of approved contributions for the year were received by April 30, 2012, the institute faces significant arrears totaling US$1.3 million, with Mexico and Venezuela cited as major debtors. Operational expenses through February 2012 were 11% below budget, though salary costs exceeded projections by 6.4%. Cash reserves cover 3.8 months of operations, increasing to 9.2 months if US committed funds are included. Administratively, the report notes instability regarding the contracting of four staff members via INPE.

The document argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) has failed its dual goals of reducing emissions and promoting sustainable development. It highlights that 40-70% of projects are non-additional, meaning they would have occurred without CDM registration, and that many projects cause social and environmental harm. The signatories call for the exclusion of fossil fuel and large hydro projects, the implementation of 'do no harm' assessments, and the creation of meaningful public participation and grievance mechanisms.

The IAI Core Budget request for fiscal year 2012-2013 is US$1,312,578, a slight decrease from the previous year. The budget supports the Directorate's operations, including the management of the Collaborative Research Network (CRN) and Small Grants Programs, and accounts for the relocation of the Directorate from Brazil to Uruguay in January 2013. Salaries and benefits constitute 72% of the core budget. The document also outlines member country contributions, with the United States providing the largest share at US$762,000.

The report argues that secrecy in large-scale land deals drives bad governance and human rights abuses. It proposes a precautionary principle of "if in doubt, disclose" and identifies four critical entry points for transparency: participatory land use planning, free prior and informed consent (FPIC), public disclosure of all contracts, and independent multi-stakeholder oversight.

The report examines the clandestine industry of illegal logging, which the World Bank estimates costs governments and businesses $10 billion to $15 billion annually. It details how illegal logging depresses global timber prices by approximately 16%, harming the U.S. hardwood industry and causing severe forest degradation in producing countries. The author highlights the 2008 Lacey Act amendments as a landmark law that prohibits the trade of illegally sourced plant products in the U.S., thereby reducing financial incentives for illegal logging. The document advocates for full implementation of the Act alongside law enforcement, market-based, and incentive-based policy recommendations to protect tropical ecosystems and support legal forestry producers.

A joint submission by the Human Rights & Climate Change Working Group and various NGOs calling for the CDM to establish institutional safeguards, strengthen civil society participation, and create grievance mechanisms to address human rights violations associated with carbon offset projects.

The document analyzes the results of the COP17 Durban Platform, highlighting the role of Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries in bridging gaps between developed and developing nations. It argues that LAC countries should leverage their 'creative diversity' and track record of voluntary emission reductions to lead a high-ambition coalition with Africa and Asia. Key recommendations include strengthening a political narrative that decouples development from emissions growth, improving communication of domestic low-carbon successes, and scaling up adaptation and resilience planning to protect vulnerable infrastructure and food security.

The report details a global movement of small-scale farmers and activists resisting the corporate power of agribusiness, specifically Monsanto. It highlights legal battles, moratoria, and direct actions against GM crops in Europe, India, Latin America, and Africa. The document argues that the 'green economy' and 'climate-smart agriculture' frameworks are being used to further corporate control over seeds and land through market-based mechanisms and carbon offsets, while promoting food sovereignty as a sustainable alternative.

The report details a global movement of peasants and civil society organizations resisting Monsanto's influence on agriculture. It highlights specific battles in Europe, India, Latin America, and Africa, where activists fight against GMO seeds, toxic pesticides like Roundup, and the corporate control of seed systems. The document argues that the 'green economy' and 'climate-smart agriculture' are market-driven frameworks that facilitate corporate land grabbing and the spread of biotechnology. It advocates for food sovereignty—the right of peoples to define their own food and production systems—as a sustainable path to mitigate climate change and ensure food security.

The report documents global opposition to Monsanto and other biotechnology firms, highlighting the social and environmental costs of GM crops. It details resistance movements in Europe, India, Latin America, and Africa, while critiquing the 'green economy' and 'climate-smart agriculture' as market-driven mechanisms that reinforce corporate control. The authors advocate for food sovereignty and peasant-led agroecology as the only viable paths to climate resilience and food security.