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The research focuses on commercial tax evasion within IFFs, clarifying the distinctions between abusive transfer pricing, trade mispricing, and TBML. Using the IMF DOTS methodology and a developed TBML model, the authors estimate flows for Nigeria, South Africa, Morocco, Egypt, and Zambia. The findings indicate that while some countries show declining trade mispricing, the TBML model suggests increasing financial outflows for all five. The paper highlights significant data anomalies in UNCOMTRADE and IMF datasets, particularly regarding South Africa's extractive exports, and advocates for the implementation of the Unique Consignment Reference (UCR) and improved inter-agency cooperation to curb these flows and support socio-economic development.

The Climate Accountability Scorecard evaluates the climate-related actions and disclosures of several major fossil fuel companies, including BP, Shell, ExxonMobil, Chevron, ConocoPhillips, Arch Coal, CONSOL Energy, and Peabody Energy. The report assigns scores based on criteria such as support for the Paris Agreement, the use of internal carbon pricing, and the transparency of greenhouse gas emissions reporting. Findings indicate a widespread lack of company-wide emissions reduction plans and varying levels of transparency regarding low-carbon research and development investments.

The Universal Green Energy Access Programme (UGEAP) is a proposed USD 500 million investment fund managed by Deutsche Bank AG to increase electricity access in Sub-Saharan Africa. The program focuses on three categories: solar home systems, green mini-grids, and industrial renewable energy solutions. It utilizes a two-tiered capital structure (Class A and Class B) to leverage private sector investment, with the Green Climate Fund (GCF) providing subordinated B-Capital to act as a risk buffer. The program will be rolled out in two phases, initially targeting Benin, Kenya, Namibia, Nigeria, and Tanzania, before expanding across Sub-Saharan Africa. UGEAP intends to provide long-term debt through local financial institutions using Funding and Risk Participation Agreements (FRPA) and syndicated loans to overcome structural barriers in local financial markets.

The document advocates for a legally binding UN treaty to hold transnational corporations (TNCs) accountable for human rights and environmental abuses. It highlights the failure of voluntary corporate social responsibility codes and the misuse of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanisms to challenge public health and environmental laws. Through case studies in Latin America and Africa, it illustrates how TNCs operate with impunity due to gaps in national legal systems and the lack of extraterritorial obligations for home states.

The report identifies a 'cusp group' comprising 23% of sub-Saharan Africa's population who earn $2-$5 per day and straddle formal and informal economies. It analyzes three distinct credit market 'faces': South Africa is 'Stuck' due to aggressive formal lending and high indebtedness; Kenya is 'Uncertain' as it transitions from traditional loans to rapid, short-term digital lending; and Ghana is 'Squeezed' by macroeconomic instability and high costs that limit formal credit access. The document argues that 'healthy' credit markets must be accessible, robust, diverse, and value-adding to prevent over-indebtedness while enabling asset accumulation. It recommends that regulators improve market monitoring, invest in digital identification, and introduce mechanisms like 'learner's licenses' for credit to protect vulnerable borrowers.

The Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), a coalition of Cameroon, Niger, Nigeria, and Chad, along with Benin, was established to combat Boko Haram. While the force has achieved some operational gains since early 2016, it continues to struggle with significant financial shortfalls, political mistrust among member states, and a gap between official claims of operationality and the reality on the ground. The African Union (AU) serves as a critical strategic and technical partner, filling an institutional vacuum left by the Lake Chad Basin Commission's (LCBC) limited experience in peace operations.

The document examines the intersection of Ghana's oil industry and its artisanal fisheries, which account for 60-70% of the total marine catch. While initial tensions focused on exclusion zones around oil platforms and collisions, the paper argues that the oil sector is not the primary threat to fisheries sustainability. Instead, the sector faces systemic challenges including fleet overcapacity, illegal fishing practices, and climate change. The author advocates for a 'socio-ecological compact' where the oil industry, government, and fishing communities collaborate through integrated maritime governance and co-management to ensure long-term sustainability.

The document examines China's use of large-scale infrastructure projects in Africa as a tool of economic statecraft to challenge Western-led global norms and promote a 'democratised' global order. It analyzes the role of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and compares African initiatives with similar Chinese regional forums in the Arab world, Central Asia, and Latin America. Despite a slowing domestic economy and falling commodity prices affecting resource-rich African states, the author contends that China's strategic geopolitical goals ensure the continued resilience of its African investments.

The paper finds that climate actions across examined INDCs align with 154 of the 169 SDG targets, demonstrating significant potential for mutual benefits between climate and development agendas. While global alignment is high, the authors note that few countries explicitly referenced SDGs in their INDCs, often due to separate institutional oversight between environment and development ministries. Case studies of Colombia and Uganda show high goal-level alignment, though target-level alignment varies based on national priorities. The document advocates for a 'whole-of-government' approach to maximize resources and avoid implementation silos.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) argues that the Committee on the Rights of the Child should recognize an implied right to a healthy environment to ensure the effective realization of children's rights. Drawing on jurisprudence from other human rights bodies, CIEL demonstrates how a healthy environment is a necessary precondition for the rights to life, health, food, water, and an adequate standard of living. The document highlights that over 140 states have already incorporated environmental rights into their national constitutions, supporting an evolutionary interpretation of the Convention.

The report finds a significant lack of primary quantitative research on how fossil fuel subsidy reforms specifically affect women. It argues that while subsidies are generally regressive—benefiting wealthier households—their removal can disproportionately harm poor women due to their primary responsibility for domestic energy tasks and limited intra-household bargaining power. The document reviews the potential for mitigation measures, such as conditional cash transfers and targeted energy vouchers, and outlines a mixed-methods research plan for Bangladesh, India, and Nigeria to analyze impacts on women's welfare, productivity, and empowerment.

Togo has significantly reduced piracy since 2012 through increased naval patrols and international cooperation, recording no acts of piracy in 2015. However, the country faces ongoing challenges, including a struggling fisheries sector plagued by overfishing and poor resources, and an international ship registry that provides few local jobs and is linked to illicit fishing. While the Autonomous Port of Lomé maintains ISPS Code compliance and serves as a key transit hub for landlocked countries like Burkina Faso, it suffers from space constraints and poor internal road infrastructure. To sustain security, Togo established the National Organisation for State Action at Sea (NOSAS) in 2014, though hierarchical ambiguities persist between the maritime prefect and the advisor for the sea.

The document examines youth radicalisation in Africa as a complex phenomenon driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors. It argues that while religious ideology is often used as a justification, the actual drivers are frequently rooted in political repression, systemic corruption, socio-economic exclusion, and weakened family structures. The paper emphasizes that responses must be nuanced and evidence-based, moving beyond a 'one size fits all' approach to address specific local and structural vulnerabilities.

The document analyzes the dynamics of youth radicalization in Africa, arguing that it is a complex process driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors rather than a single cause. It highlights how government repression, corruption, high youth unemployment, and social exclusion create vulnerabilities that extremist groups like ISIS, Al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram exploit. The paper emphasizes that while religion is often used as a justification, the root causes are frequently socio-political and economic. It also examines the role of gender, noting that while most recruits are male, women's participation is increasing, often driven by different motivations or forced coercion.

The study finds that ethnic civil wars have indeed declined since the mid-1990s, supporting Ted Robert Gurr's projections. The authors demonstrate that this pacifying trend is associated with increased government accommodation, specifically through the granting of group rights, power-sharing, and democratization, which reduce the probability of conflict onset. Additionally, regional autonomy and peacekeeping operations are found to significantly increase the likelihood of conflict termination. Out-of-sample predictions show that a theory-driven model based on accommodative politics far outperforms a simple time-trend model in predicting the actual decline of ethnic conflict from 2000 to 2013.

The policy brief examines how domestic xenophobia contradicts South Africa's 'diplomacy of ubuntu' and its aspirations for African leadership. It highlights specific incidents of violence and government failures, suggesting that South Africa must address the root causes of intolerance domestically and regionalise its policy responses to reclaim its international standing.

The report argues that sustainable timber markets are essential for preserving global economic activity and securing the long-term supply of raw materials for UK businesses. It highlights that forests contribute approximately US$17.6 trillion to the global economy, with timber and paper making up 16% of international soft commodity trade. The document warns that legal and sustainable timber supplies from several key source countries are at risk of depletion, while global demand is rising due to expanding Asian economies and the biomass energy industry. For UK businesses, the report identifies commercial benefits including regulatory advantages under the EU Timber Regulation (EUTR), easier access to finance, enhanced brand value, and improved workforce engagement. It also examines the UK domestic timber industry, noting that while it contributes ~£21.0 billion in GVA, domestic softwood supply is threatened by a long-term decline in new planting.

The document examines the AICO scheme's role in developing the ASEAN automotive sector and assesses whether a similar model could work in SADC. It identifies South Africa as the regional automotive leader but notes that integration is currently one-sided. Key barriers in SADC include low market demand, infrastructure bottlenecks, and a lack of indigenous industry outside South Africa. The author suggests that SADC can move toward integration by leveraging South Africa's expertise, focusing on specific vehicle segments, and developing aftermarket production as a starting point.

The research paper examines the alignment between South Africa's stated foreign policy goal of 'Africa's centrality' and the actual expenditure of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO). It finds that South Africa's normative goal of deepening engagement in Africa is generally matched by its resource deployment, with significant spending directed toward strategic economies like Nigeria, Angola, and Ethiopia. Despite budget reductions in 2016 necessitating the closure of non-essential missions, the document argues that diplomatic engagement remains vital for defending national interests and enhancing international prestige.

The document assesses the adoption and effectiveness of youth policies across Africa, highlighting a lag in adoption compared to global trends. It identifies critical failures in data collection, policy design, and state implementation capacity, while noting successes in creating youth representative bodies. The author argues that for youth policies to succeed, they must be evidence-based, realistic regarding state capacity, and supported by partnerships with non-state actors.