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The paper analyzes e-government in Mauritius, South Africa, Seychelles, and Tunisia, arguing that a modular approach focusing on user experience can bypass the slow progress of traditional 'whole-of-government' strategies.

The document argues that the FAO has been captured by the 'Big Livestock' sector, leading to the systematic downplaying of the environmental impacts of animal farming. It traces this shift from the 2006 'Livestock's Long Shadow' report, which highlighted livestock as a major climate driver, to more recent publications like 'Pathways towards Lower Emissions' and the 'Global Roadmap'. The author claims these later documents use flawed methodologies to lower emission estimates and prioritise industry-friendly technological fixes over necessary reductions in livestock numbers and meat consumption. The report details how industry lobbyists influence the FAO through national delegations and partnerships, resulting in a narrative that preserves the status quo of intensive livestock production.

The report exposes how 'Big Ag' employs a playbook of distraction, delay, and obstruction—similar to tactics used by the tobacco and oil industries—to prevent the regulation of agricultural emissions and the transition to plant-based diets. Through the analysis of 22 major companies, the authors find that these corporations use greenwashing, industry-funded science to downplay methane's impact, and aggressive lobbying to maintain a 'carrot without a stick' policy environment where changes remain voluntary and subsidized.

The report argues that 'Big Meat and Dairy' corporations employ strategies similar to those of the tobacco and fossil fuel industries to avoid environmental accountability. It identifies three primary tactics: distraction through greenwashing and targeting Gen Z; delaying action by promoting voluntary technical solutions over systemic dietary changes; and derailing legislation through political lobbying and 'revolving doors' between industry and government. The analysis covers 22 major corporations across four continents, finding that none meet UN integrity standards for climate goals. Specific case studies highlight how these tactics have weakened the EU's Green Deal and Farm to Fork strategy, influenced the US Inflation Reduction Act, and blocked agricultural emission regulations in New Zealand, Australia, Brazil, and Italy.

The report identifies a 'corporate playbook' used by the meat and dairy industry to avoid environmental regulation through three main tactics: distraction (greenwashing and funding biased science), procrastination (prioritizing advertising over low-carbon R&D), and dismantling (aggressive lobbying to weaken climate policies). It highlights how these strategies are applied globally, particularly in the EU, US, and Brazil, to maintain the status quo of animal agriculture.

The report reveals a 'corporate playbook' used by 'Big Meat and Dairy' to avoid environmental regulation through greenwashing, industry-funded science, and aggressive political lobbying. It argues that these companies use 'distract, delay and derail' tactics—similar to those used by the tobacco and fossil fuel industries—to maintain the status quo and prevent dietary shifts toward plant-based proteins. The investigation highlights how the industry promotes voluntary technological fixes over mandatory emissions cuts and leverages political influence to secure 'all-carrots-and-no-sticks' regulatory approaches.

The report exposes how 'Big Meat and Dairy' corporations employ strategies similar to those of the tobacco and fossil fuel industries to avoid environmental regulation. It identifies three primary tactics: distracting the public through greenwashing and targeting Gen Z via social media; delaying action by promoting voluntary targets and industry-funded science (such as GWP* metrics and 'regenerative agriculture'); and derailing legislation through political lobbying and 'revolving door' appointments. The analysis covers 22 major corporations across four continents, highlighting a systemic lack of scientific integrity in their climate goals and a preference for spending on advertising over low-carbon research and development. Specific case studies in the US, EU, Brazil, Australia, New Zealand, Italy, and Great Britain illustrate how these tactics have successfully weakened policies like the EU Green Deal and the Global Methane Pledge.

On 26 June 2024, Minister Kerrie D. Symmonds of Barbados delivered a statement supported by 35 WTO members calling for the operationalization of the WTO Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies and the finalization of additional provisions regarding overcapacity and overfishing by July 2024.

The Canadian Sustainable Jobs Act (Bill C-50) establishes a governance framework, including a Partnership Council and Action Plans, to ensure a people-centred transition to a low-carbon economy. The legislation emphasizes social dialogue and decent work, aiming to align sustainable employment with the Net-zero Emissions Accountability Act.

The report finds that Canadian institutions provided between CAD 7.6 billion and CAD 13.5 billion annually to the fossil fuel sector from 2020 to 2022, while providing only CAD 147 million annually for domestic renewable energy. It identifies Export Development Canada (EDC) as the primary provider of this finance and highlights a critical lack of transparency in reporting. The authors recommend a comprehensive policy that covers the entire fossil fuel life cycle, includes existing investments like the Trans Mountain Pipeline Expansion, and precludes funding for carbon capture and storage (CCS) and blue hydrogen. The report suggests redirecting these funds toward clean electricity and Indigenous-led generation to support Canada's energy transition.

The Climate Action Tracker (CAT) argues that current 2030 climate targets and policies are insufficient, projecting end-of-century warming of 2.5°C to 2.7°C. To maintain the 1.5°C goal, the document asserts that governments must enter 'emergency mode,' peaking global emissions before 2025 and halving them by 2030. It outlines four essential elements for 2035 NDCs: ambition based on sectoral benchmarks, scaled-up climate finance for developing nations, credibility through the elimination of fossil fuel subsidies and exploration, and transparency via absolute economy-wide targets that separate land-use sinks and carbon removals from domestic reductions.

The report evaluates claims made by candidates from the Socialist Party, Renew, La France insoumise, and Les Écologistes across five key sectors: transport, housing, agriculture, international trade, and finance. It corrects misconceptions regarding railway privatization, energy renovation rates, agricultural demographics, and the financial impact of proposed green taxes.

The authors contend that youth are disproportionately affected by climate change and its associated security risks but remain excluded from formal policymaking. They propose three specific actions for U.S. leadership: including youth in the Paris Agreement negotiating team, utilizing youth engagement in public diplomacy and peacebuilding, and leveraging influence in international financial institutions like the World Bank to prioritize youth-led climate projects.

The report argues that GDP is an insufficient measure of national success because it ignores the depletion of assets and non-market well-being. By analyzing data from 1995 to 2020 for Ethiopia, Indonesia, and Trinidad and Tobago, the study demonstrates that comprehensive wealth (CW)—which includes natural, human, social, produced, and financial capital—reveals critical sustainability trends invisible to GDP. Key findings include the unsustainable depletion of fossil fuel assets in Trinidad and Tobago, the inefficient management of natural capital in Indonesia, and the critical need for increased agricultural productivity and wealth accumulation in Ethiopia.

The study assesses three geofluid scenarios and three power generation models, concluding that an unwashed open cycle plant is the most efficient pathway for superhot rock energy. It identifies a technology gap in steam turbine design, which is rated at TRL 5-6, while other surface equipment is rated TRL 8-9. The report recommends dry cooling (Air-Cooled Condensers) to minimize water consumption and estimates the surface facility capital cost at $1,988.50 USD/kW.

The report analyzes the growing prevalence of voluntary sustainability standards (VSSs) in free trade agreements (FTAs), noting a significant increase in references since 2018. It identifies five common rationales for their inclusion: cooperation, promotion, recognition, guidelines, and support. While VSSs can complement public regulations and drive innovative trade policy—such as using sustainability criteria for preferential tariffs—the report warns of pitfalls, including vague terminology, lack of enforcement, and the risk of VSSs becoming de facto market barriers for small-scale producers in developing countries. The authors argue that the effectiveness of VSSs depends on their credibility and the establishment of clear multilateral guidelines.

The document identifies numerous factual errors made by candidates from various political parties during a debate on the ecological and social transition. Key corrections include debunking claims that the EU Green Deal currently imposes norms on farmers, correcting the ranking of France as the EU's third-largest agricultural exporter rather than the first, and clarifying that France's energy mix is the second most decarbonized in Europe, behind Sweden. It also addresses misconceptions about the carbon footprint of Chinese-made renewables, the efficacy of hydrogen cars, and the actual population and migration figures in Mayotte.

The document argues that Oceania possesses significant superhot rock energy potential, with modeling suggesting that 15% of the region's land area has resources at depths below 12.5 km. It highlights that just 1% of this resource could provide 1.1 terawatts of energy capacity. The report suggests that the region's existing oil and gas expertise could be leveraged to commercialize this technology, which offers high energy density and low land-use requirements compared to other renewables. While not expected to meet 2030 climate goals, it is presented as a long-term solution for decarbonization and grid stability.

The author argues that the Thirteenth WTO Ministerial Conference (MC13) failed to produce tangible progress on climate-related trade issues due to geopolitical tensions and opposition from members like India. While some plurilateral initiatives and external coalitions showed modest activity, the document suggests that success should now be measured by the revitalization of the WTO Committee on Trade and Environment and the development of non-binding codes of conduct rather than binding multilateral agreements.

The document provides a preliminary legal mapping of the procedural and substantive requirements for a delictual claim against Carbon Majors in South Africa. It examines jurisdictional hurdles, such as the need to attach assets for foreign defendants, and the potential for state immunity defenses for state-owned companies. Substantively, it analyzes the elements of delictual liability—wrongfulness, fault, and causation—suggesting that South African courts' flexible approach to factual causation and the use of attribution science could support such claims. It also discusses parent company liability and the possibility of holding a select group of joint wrongdoers severally liable for the full extent of damages.