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The guide outlines three primary strategies for engaging Chinese companies in the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (EITI): demonstrating the financial and risk-reduction benefits of compliance, localizing communications and materials into the Chinese language, and utilizing political dialogue with the Chinese government to secure official recognition. It emphasizes that Chinese firms, including state-owned enterprises, are increasingly responsive to global market dynamics and international regulatory pressures, such as disclosure rules from the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission and the European Commission. The author suggests that EITI could mirror the successful entry strategy of the UN Global Compact in China by leveraging bilateral relationships and existing corporate social responsibility (CSR) programs.

Global Witness and Kalikasan People’s Network for the Environment have welcomed the suspension of reclamation projects in Manila Bay by the Department of Natural Resources (DENR), pending reviews of environmental and social impacts. The organizations are urging President Marcos to issue a written order to ensure this suspension covers all developments, including the US $15 billion New Manila International Airport. This airport project, led by San Miguel Corporation, is accused of displacing hundreds of families and destroying climate-critical habitats since its approval in September 2019.

Global Witness reports that while the US and UK have banned Russian-origin nickel, the EU has not, creating a loophole where Russian nickel is refined in Finland and then legally exported to the US. The report highlights the environmental degradation and human rights abuses linked to Norilsk Nickel's operations in the Arctic, the company's ties to the Russian military-industrial complex, and the challenges of conducting corporate due diligence in a repressive political environment. It recommends that the EU implement targeted sanctions on Russian nickel, maintain strict thresholds for the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD), and prioritize circular economy strategies to reduce dependency on Russian minerals.

The report alleges that ADNOC, led by COP28 President Sultan Al-Jaber, pursued nearly $100 billion in fossil fuel deals during the UAE's year as host, contradicting public claims that the summit was not used for commercial gain. It details specific targets in countries like Brazil, Azerbaijan, and China, and argues that the COP28 final text's ambiguous language on 'transitioning away' from fossil fuels allows ADNOC to expand production while appearing compliant with climate goals.

The report argues that BP and Shell engage in greenwashing by promoting environmentally friendly narratives on social media that are not supported by their core business investments. It finds that both companies disproportionately showcase green projects while continuing massive investments in fossil fuels, potentially breaching the UK's Green Claims Code. Additionally, it highlights Shell's failure to declare political ads on Meta platforms and Meta's failure to detect and enforce its own transparency requirements.

Global Witness asserts that the influence of corporate money in US politics, exacerbated by the Citizens United decision, has led to climate inaction and the failure to implement the Cardin-Lugar anti-corruption provision. The organization argues that the Securities and Exchange Commission's (SEC) proposed rules are insufficient because they do not require project-level payment disclosure, which is essential for detecting corruption in the extractive industries, as evidenced by cases involving Shell, Eni, and Glencore.

The document contends that US sanctions on Russian fossil fuels are undermined by a 'substantial transformation' loophole. While E.O. 14066 bans Russian oil, it excludes goods that have been 'substantially transformed into a foreign-made product', such as crude oil refined into gasoline in other countries. The author highlights that India and the Netherlands export refined fuels to the US that may contain Russian-origin oil, thereby continuing to fund Russia's war in Ukraine. Global Witness calls for the US, UK, and EU to ban all refined fuels that may have been produced using Russian crude.

Global Witness reports that while the US has banned direct imports of Russian fossil fuels, it continues to import refined petroleum products from India that are derived from Russian crude. Analysis of trade data from the first five months of 2023 shows that the US imported 12.6 million barrels of refined products from India, with a high concentration coming from the Sikka port in Gujarat, which imports significant quantities of Russian crude. The author contends that banning imports from refineries using Russian crude would squeeze Kremlin revenues without significantly impacting US fuel prices, and urges a transition to renewable energy over increased domestic oil production.

This report analyzes the implications of the European Green Deal (EGD) for South African small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and broader trade. It examines the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), the Farm to Fork strategy, and the Circular Economy Action Plan, identifying significant risks in the automotive, mining, and agricultural sectors while highlighting potential export opportunities for environmental goods.

The report presents a series of expert contributions from Green movements in 16 European countries, arguing that labour taxes are often the primary source of government revenue and should be shifted toward taxes on pollution, capital, and resource use. Proposed alternatives include carbon taxes, wealth taxes, and taxes on automated work, while improvements to labour taxation focus on increasing progressivity, introducing negative income taxes for low earners, and simplifying tax codes.

The transition to renewable energy is expected to reduce dependencies on fossil fuel importers and lower energy prices, but it introduces new geopolitical challenges. The author argues that 'pipeline politics' will be replaced by 'grid politics', where control over interconnectors, hubs, and storage facilities becomes central. For Europe, while the transition offers a path away from reliance on Russia and the Gulf region, success depends on the EU's ability to manage internal divergences in national energy priorities and compete with Asia and the US in the clean tech market and for rare minerals.

The authors argue that European transport policies are outdated because they assume a permanent increase in driving and flying. They suggest that the convergence of new technologies—such as autonomous vehicles, 3D printing, and shared mobility—offers a choice between a 'transport heaven' of reduced congestion and greenery, or a 'transport hell' of increased vehicle kilometers and pollution. The text advocates for a European-wide strategy that prioritizes 'mobility' (satisfying needs without necessarily changing location) over 'transport' (the physical movement of vehicles), citing the Netherlands' transition to cycling as a model for urban transformation.

The report analyzes the environmental impact of Argentina's agricultural expansion from 1956 to 2005. Key findings include a significant increase in annual crop areas, leading to the loss of native forests and grasslands, particularly in the Chaco and Atlantic Forest regions. While the adoption of no-till farming has reduced soil erosion and the toxicity of pesticides has decreased over time, the expansion has caused a decline in soil phosphorus and carbon stocks, increased greenhouse gas emissions, and reduced the provision of ecosystem services. The report specifically examines the role of soybean cultivation, linking its expansion to deforestation in Northwest Argentina and an increase in pesticide contamination risks, although it notes a favorable energy efficiency for the crop.

The document examines the intersection of the circular economy and international trade, highlighting how shifting from primary to secondary raw materials can significantly reduce carbon emissions. It discusses the growth of secondary material markets, the rise of circular business models like sharing economies and product longevity, and the need for trade policies to eliminate barriers to circular goods and services. The authors advocate for international standards, the use of bilateral and regional free trade agreements, and a more proactive role for the WTO in facilitating a low-carbon circular economy.

The document identifies growing demand for eco-certified fish in the US and Europe, noting that young consumers and those seeking status symbols are primary drivers. It highlights that American shoppers select supermarkets based on their commitment to eco-certified sourcing and lists key European markets for Canadian seafood exports.

This report by the Global Subsidies Initiative (GSI) provides preliminary estimates of global energy subsidies by source for 2007, detailing the assumptions and calculations used for nuclear energy, renewable energy, biofuels, fossil fuels, and Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS).

The SAVi analysis demonstrates that while a coal power plant appears more profitable under a Business-as-Usual (BAU) scenario, the offshore wind farm becomes the superior financial option when externalities and climate risks are integrated. Specifically, accounting for externalities reduces the levelized cost of electricity (LCOE) for offshore wind to EUR 65 per MWh compared to EUR 171 per MWh for coal. When physical risks (1.5°C temperature increase) and transitional risks (a carbon tax of EUR 16.27/MWh) are added, the coal plant's internal rate of return (IRR) drops to 0%, while the wind farm maintains an IRR of approximately 17%. The analysis also estimates that the offshore wind project would create 2,780 full-time equivalent jobs.

The EU has established a framework to phase out fossil fuel subsidies by 2020, including a legal obligation to end hard coal mining subsidies by 2018. While the EU has reduced its own direct budgetary support and some member states have implemented tax reforms, significant challenges remain. The document highlights a tension between official commitments and actual practice, noting that some countries may use transparency measures to avoid eliminating a broad range of subsidies. A significant portion of coal-related fiscal support in countries like Germany, Spain, and the Czech Republic has been redirected toward just transition measures for workers and site rehabilitation.

The document serves as a practical handbook for climate negotiators, particularly those from the Global South who may lack institutional support. It covers the scientific basis of climate change, the evolution of the international regime from the 1992 UNFCCC to the Paris Agreement, and the procedural rules of the COP. A significant portion of the guide is dedicated to negotiation theory, offering strategies for 'disadvantaged' negotiators to overcome resource gaps and power imbalances through coalition building, integrative negotiation techniques, and precise drafting skills.

The document outlines five common minimum standards for COFFIS members to ensure transparency and consistency in reporting fossil fuel subsidies. These standards cover the coexistence of various subsidy definitions, a comprehensive definition of fossil fuels (including primary and secondary commodities), the identification of beneficiaries across consumption and production sectors, the requirement for preliminary climate and socio-economic impact assessments, and a commitment to annual inventory updates.