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The 2026 floods in Upper Assam, which affected over 500,000 people and caused at least 99 deaths, were driven by high exposure and structural vulnerability rather than climate-driven rainfall increases. Analysis shows the rainfall events had return periods of less than two years and that human-induced warming of 1.4°C did not materially alter their likelihood or intensity. The study highlights that unplanned urbanization, deforestation, and colonial land policies have increased vulnerability, while reliance on rigid embankments has proven insufficient for adaptation.

The report analyzes India's energy subsidy landscape in FY 2025 and FY 2026, highlighting a significant imbalance where fossil fuel subsidies are three times higher than clean energy subsidies. It details the fiscal strain on state governments due to rising electricity subsidies and the vulnerability of the national budget to global LPG and crude oil price volatility caused by conflict in the Gulf. The analysis argues for a strategic shift from recurring fossil fuel subsidies to one-time capital investments in renewable energy, electric cooking, and electric mobility to enhance energy security and fiscal sustainability.

Hamara Grid is implementing a PPPP model in Mon district, Nagaland, to deploy solar mini-grids (30 kWp to 45 kWp) as a solution to the poor reliability of the national grid. The project integrates energy access with livelihoods, health, and education, utilizing a blended finance structure of grants, debt, and equity. As of August 2023, six mini-grids are operational, with a target of 50 villages by June 2025. Key findings highlight the importance of incubating energy-based livelihoods to accelerate energy utilization and the strategic prioritization of larger villages to reach commercial viability faster.

The report examines the high cost and regressive nature of India's energy consumption subsidies, which totaled INR 87,830 crore (USD 13.1 billion) in 2017. It highlights a critical knowledge gap, as the last comprehensive distributional analysis is based on 2011 census data. The document proposes several targeting mechanisms, including opt-out schemes, volumetric quotas, categorical targeting based on social or geographic criteria, and the use of proxy means testing via income and asset data. It specifically analyzes the Ujjwala scheme's success in connection targeting and the challenges of sustained LPG usage among the poor due to ongoing consumption costs.

The document analyzes the inefficiencies of India's Public Distribution System (PDS) for kerosene, noting high rates of leakage and poor targeting. It argues that current subsidies make solar lighting less cost-competitive for households, particularly for mid- and high-end systems. The authors recommend streamlining eligibility, phasing out subsidies in electrified areas, and redirecting funds toward a 'lighting subsidy' for solar solutions.

The report argues that India's kerosene subsidy program is highly inefficient due to significant leakages and poor service quality. It proposes replacing these subsidies with targeted support for solar-based lighting in rural areas and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) for urban-poor households, asserting that such a transition would be economically beneficial for both the government and the beneficiaries.

The report examines the history and impact of the Sixth Schedule and territorial councils in Northeast India, arguing that while intended to protect tribal interests and integrate the region into India, these structures have often incentivized ethno-nationalism and 'homeland politics'. It analyzes specific settlements like the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) and the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Territorial Council (KAATC), noting that the BTC's model of ethnic reservation may institutionalize tribal enclaves, whereas the KAATC settlement introduces promising measures for financial transparency and grassroots devolution. The author concludes that peace depends on moving beyond ad hoc concessions to armed groups and involving civil society in autonomy negotiations.

The report examines the tension between India's centralized conservation laws, such as the Wild Life (Protection) Act 1972, and the rights of forest-dependent communities. It highlights the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act 2006 (FRA) as a critical tool for securing community tenure and management rights. The document details various types of CCAs, including sacred groves and community-managed forests, while criticizing the 'ecodevelopment' model and the lack of legal recognition for marine and wetland conservation initiatives. It concludes with recommendations for legal reforms to prioritize site-specific, decentralized governance and the recognition of customary laws.

The paper examines how women in a conflict-affected district of Assam utilize the concept of 'motherhood' to enter the political sphere and engage in peacebuilding. It challenges security expert assumptions that these women lack independent agency, finding instead that while they are often linked to tribal identities and militant factions, they use these alliances to build political power. The author notes a tension between 'motherhood' as a tool for tribal mobilization and as a potential basis for a common female identity for peace. The study also highlights the barriers to formal political participation, such as male-dominated party structures and a lack of seat reservations in tribal areas.

The research analyzes Naga militancy in Northeast India, specifically examining how ceasefires between the Indian government and groups like the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) have influenced the conflict. The author argues that ceasefires can disrupt internal group cohesion, create operational opportunities for illegal activities, and fuel inter-group rivalry. Data from the South Asia Terrorism Portal indicates that while ceasefires reduced encounters between security forces and militants, civilian and 'terrorist' fatalities increased between 1992 and 2010. The study concludes that the current ceasefire regime empowers signatory groups and legitimizes armed actors, creating a framework for 'violent politics' rather than a path to a political settlement.

The document argues that the conflict in Northeast India is not merely a series of ethnic disputes between the state and non-state actors, but a complex system of 'parapolitics' where state and non-state agents often collaborate in shadow economies. It examines how the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) has regularized a 'state of exception', creating a zone of anomie where security forces and militant groups compete for the monopoly of violence. The author highlights the role of illicit extraction, such as timber smuggling in the Bodo Territorial Autonomous District (BTAD), and the use of ceasefire agreements to legitimize insurgent 'armies' and their extortion networks.