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Friends of the Earth International highlights a global rise in authoritarianism and neoliberal economic expansion that has increased violence against environmental defenders, citing 227 deadly attacks in 2020 alone. The organization details its support for specific struggles, including the Garifuna people in Honduras facing land grabbing, social movements in Colombia resisting neoliberalism, Palestinians fighting for food sovereignty under Israeli occupation, and fishing communities in Mozambique affected by Total's LNG project. The document advocates for national protections for defenders and a binding UN treaty to hold multinational corporations accountable for human rights and environmental violations.

The report examines the synergy between the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and the African Union's Green Recovery Action Plan (GRAP) to foster green intra-continental trade and investment. While the AfCFTA is intended to transform Africa's production and trade landscape, the document notes that environmental and climate considerations have not been prominent in its development. The report specifically analyzes how the combined implementation of these frameworks can support recovery in Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, Rwanda, and South Africa.

The statement critiques 'Nature-based Solutions' (NbS) as a deceptive framework used by governments and corporations to justify 'net zero' targets without implementing deep emission reductions. It asserts that NbS rely on flawed assumptions about carbon sequestration and risk triggering massive land grabs in the Global South, citing the example of ENI in Mozambique. The author calls for structural changes, immediate emission cuts by developed nations, and the protection of Indigenous rights over market-based environmental schemes.

The document outlines key lessons for SADC member states to improve their NDCs, emphasizing the need for inclusive stakeholder engagement, alignment with long-term development goals, and the use of quantifiable targets and evidence-based analysis. It highlights examples from South Africa, Rwanda, and Costa Rica to demonstrate how detailed implementation roadmaps and participatory scenario planning can enhance climate commitments.

The document examines the intersection of pandemic recovery and climate finance, highlighting that most global recovery funds are not contributing to greening economies. It emphasizes the failure of developed nations to meet the $100 billion annual climate finance pledge and advocates for a new goal of $1.3 trillion per year by 2030 to support African countries. The briefing identifies significant barriers to accessing finance, including complex procedures and a lack of climate data, and suggests using Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to hold governments accountable for the climate impact of their recovery spending.

The document examines the intersection of gender justice and food sovereignty, arguing that the industrial food system relies on the patriarchal exploitation of women's labor. It advocates for a transition to agroecology and feminist economics to ensure equitable access to land, seeds, and resources, while calling for the recognition and redistribution of unpaid care work.

The report argues that subsidiarity in the African Union (AU) is currently used as a political tool rather than a clear legal principle, leading to competition and inconsistency between the AU and regional mechanisms (RMs). It highlights that the lack of operational definitions and contradictory legal frameworks—such as the 2007 MoU and the PSC Protocol—creates confusion in the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). The authors suggest shifting the focus from a division of competences to a model of complementarity, where regions act as 'first responders' while the AU remains the 'primary actor'. Key recommendations include establishing a comprehensive legal, policy, and financial framework, utilizing the AU Peace Fund for alignment, and creating operational liaison offices between the AU Commission and RMs.

The document argues that the lack of transparency regarding beneficial owners—the individuals exercising ultimate effective control over fishing vessels and facilities—is a primary enabler of corruption and IUU fishing. It details how 'flags of convenience' (FoCs), shell companies, and opaque joint ventures allow bad actors to evade sanctions, launder money, and engage in human rights abuses. The author highlights specific cases, such as the 'Fishrot' scandal in Namibia and the use of Chinese processing facilities to hide North Korean labor. To address these issues, the briefing recommends that governments implement public beneficial ownership registries, verify disclosed data, and that major market states like the US, EU, and Japan make beneficial ownership transparency a condition for seafood import access.

The study evaluates food security for smallholders and workers in biofuel projects in Mozambique, Malawi, and Eswatini, finding that sugarcane production improved food security while jatropha production had no statistically significant positive effect.

Friends of the Earth International views the COP26 pledge to end public financing for overseas fossil fuel projects by 2022 as a positive step but criticizes the exclusion of countries like Japan and South Korea, the continued domestic fossil fuel extraction in the UK and US, and the lack of climate finance for the Global South. The organization advocates for community-based renewable energy systems and denounces 'false solutions' such as net zero and carbon markets, while specifically calling for the UK to end financial support for gas exploitation in Mozambique.

Friends of the Earth International critiques the COP26 pledge by the UK, US, and 18 other nations to end public funding for overseas fossil fuel projects by late 2022. While welcoming the inclusion of oil and gas, the organization highlights the hypocrisy of countries like the UK and US continuing domestic extraction. It further demands a transition to community-owned renewable energy in the Global South, the cessation of 'net zero' loopholes and geoengineering, and specifically calls for the UK to stop financing gas extraction in Mozambique.

The document critiques the current global energy system as a driver of climate change and systemic oppression, particularly affecting women in the Global South. It warns against 'false solutions'—such as greenwashing and 'purplewashing'—where corporations adopt environmental or feminist rhetoric without challenging underlying power structures. The report advocates for a 'Feminist Just Energy Transition' based on energy democracy, public ownership, and the centrality of care work and life sustainability over profit accumulation.

The report by Friends of the Earth International contends that the current energy system is built on systemic oppression, including patriarchy and neocolonialism, which disproportionately affects women, indigenous peoples, and the Global South. It warns against 'false solutions' such as greenwashing and 'purplewashing' (superficial feminism), where corporations use renewable energy or gender equality rhetoric to mask continued exploitation. The authors advocate for a feminist energy transition centered on the 'sustainability of life,' public ownership, degrowth, and the recognition of care work, rather than market-led technical fixes.

The document critiques the current global energy system as a product of patriarchal extractivism and capitalism that disproportionately harms women, particularly in the Global South. It warns against 'greenwashing' (maquillaje verde) and 'purplewashing' (maquillaje violeta), where corporations use environmental and gender-equality narratives to mask continued exploitation. The authors advocate for a 'just and feminist energy transition' centered on the sustainability of life, public ownership, and the recognition of care work, rather than market-driven technological fixes.

The report examines the challenges in operationalizing the AU Peace Fund, specifically disagreements over contribution scales among member states. It warns against the increasing use of private military and security companies (PMSCs) like the Wagner Group in Africa, citing human rights risks. Additionally, it advocates for a revamp of the AU's PCRD approach to better address post-authoritarian transitions and the role of women in peacebuilding, using The Gambia as a model for small, expert-led deployments.

The document argues that Africa faces an existential crisis due to climate change, yet adaptation finance remains critically low compared to mitigation. It identifies barriers such as the perception of adaptation as a public good, lack of bankable proposals, and inadequate climate data. To address these, the brief recommends demonstrating the business case for adaptation to attract private capital, strengthening government technical capacity, introducing adaptation levies, and lobbying for a distinct international goal for adaptation finance.

The document examines the intersection of industrial and trade policy with the green transition in Africa. It argues that for the continent to avoid becoming a 'net loser' in the shift to a low-carbon economy, it must move toward higher value-added production of green technologies rather than remaining an exporter of primary products. The author highlights the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as a key mechanism for establishing regional value chains for renewable energy products. The paper also emphasizes the need for 'policy space' to protect nascent industries, warning against premature trade liberalization and unilateral 'border adjustment taxes' from developed nations. Additionally, it stresses the urgency of 'climate proofing' infrastructure to create jobs and mitigate the inevitable extreme weather events predicted by the IPCC. Finally, the paper calls for African nations to advocate for a Global Green New Deal that respects the right of developing countries to industrialize and includes meaningful resource transfers.

The project targets the Luangwa Upper Sub-catchment in Mafinga District, Zambia, to secure the river's source and maintain water flow and quality. It addresses threats from shifting agriculture (chitemene), unsustainable wood collection, and forest fires. The strategy involves improving the management of the Mafinga Hills National Forest Reserve, establishing the first Water Resource Protection Area (WRPA) in Zambia, and promoting climate-resilient conservation agriculture and community forestry. The project is funded by the GEF with a total cost of US$ 24,738,355, including significant co-financing.

The project targets the Luangwa Upper Sub-Catchment in Zambia's Muchinga Province, specifically focusing on the Mafinga Hills National Forest Reserve and surrounding lands. It aims to combat deforestation and land degradation caused by shifting agriculture (chitemene), unsustainable wood collection, and forest fires. The strategy involves improving the management of the Mafinga Hills NFR, establishing a new Water Resource Protection Area (WRPA), and promoting climate-resilient conservation agriculture and community forestry. The project is funded by the GEF and implemented by the Ministry of Green Economy and Environment with technical support from WWF.

The GFCR Investment Window is a proposed $500 million fund, with $125 million requested from the Green Climate Fund (GCF) as a first-loss equity position. Managed by Pegasus Capital Advisors, the fund targets 'climate refugia'—reefs most likely to survive warming oceans—by investing in sustainable ocean production, ecotourism, and sustainable infrastructure to reduce local stressors. The program aims to protect 29,000 hectares of reef, create over 12,700 direct jobs, and benefit over 35 million people indirectly. It utilizes a dual-window model, pairing the Investment Window with a Grant Window to provide technical assistance and pipeline incubation.