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The document critiques industrial agriculture as a primary driver of climate change and social inequality, while presenting agroecology as a viable, small-scale alternative. It specifically attacks 'Climate Smart Agriculture' (CSA) as a corporate-led 'false solution' designed to greenwash industrial practices. The text advocates for a transition toward food sovereignty and the relocalisation of food systems, highlighting the role of women and traditional knowledge in building climate resilience.

The document contrasts industrial agribusiness with agroecology, asserting that the former is a primary driver of climate change and social inequality. It dismisses 'climate-smart agriculture' as a marketing tool for corporations to maintain power structures without addressing the root causes of the climate crisis. Instead, it advocates for a transition to agroecology, which supports small-scale producers, protects biodiversity, and enhances climate resilience. The text highlights the role of women and traditional knowledge in this transition and calls for public policies that shift resources away from industrial meat and crop production toward food sovereignty.

The document highlights the critical need to transition sub-Saharan African households from traditional biomass to clean cooking energy. It notes that approximately 700 million people currently rely on biomass, causing 600,000 annual deaths and significant economic losses. The paper advocates for a market transformation toward clean stoves and fuels, suggesting intermediate steps such as improved efficiency stoves and sustainable charcoal regulation, while drawing on evidence from Mali, Ghana, Kenya, and Ethiopia.

The document analyzes China's 'Agricultural Going Out' strategy in Africa, noting that while investment is relatively small—amounting to $406 million by 2011—it is strategically focused on cash crops and diplomatic alliance-building. It distinguishes between small-scale private ventures serving local markets and larger state-led projects targeting cash crops for international or Chinese markets. The paper details the shift from production-centric models toward downstream logistics and the prevalence of farm/plantation and contract farming models.

The document examines China's deepening security role in Africa, shifting from traditional military concerns to non-traditional threats. It analyzes how China protects its citizens from crime and terrorism, its response to the 2014 Ebola outbreak, and its dual role in the illegal wildlife and timber trades. The authors argue that these transnational challenges are compelling China to increase its engagement with multilateral organizations and move beyond its traditional policy of non-interference.

The African Union's African Standby Force (ASF) is unlikely to reach full operational capability by January 2016, but the AU has successfully demonstrated its ability to conduct peace operations using diverse models. The authors argue that the AU should move away from costly exercises and instead update the ASF's doctrine to reflect current conflict trends, such as counter-terrorism and asymmetric warfare, which differ from the original 2003 conceptualization.

The document identifies that National Climate Change Funds (NCCFs) have historically struggled to mobilise resources, accounting for less than 0.2% of global climate finance flows in 2013. Based on interviews with 30 organisations and literature reviews, the brief argues that successful resource mobilisation requires a three-part strategy: establishing a well-defined vision and theory of change, building institutional capacities across people, processes, governance, and partnerships, and implementing a systematic approach to investor engagement.

The document introduces the WEF security concept to operationalize sustainable development in mining. It details a conceptual framework based on availability, access, supporting infrastructure, and supporting institutions/policies. The guide provides a review of existing sustainability indicators and introduces WEFsat-Mining, an Excel-based tool for stakeholders to assess current WEF status, identify mining influences, and determine mitigation or enhancement actions. It also outlines stakeholder engagement practices and a four-stage participatory scenario planning process for regional landscape investment.

The EERA project in Benin, Mali, and Togo focused on creating a 'Smart Energy Path' by strengthening institutional capacities and implementing multi-sectoral, participatory decision-making. The three countries prioritize collective energy services—those benefiting health, education, and water access—over individual household energy to drive poverty alleviation. However, the document notes that renewable energy adoption has not been fast-tracked, partly due to a lack of reliable data on energy efficiency and climate vulnerability. Additionally, as these countries decentralize power, the report emphasizes the need for regulatory frameworks to define the role of subnational governments in energy policy.

The report details the application of the Smart Energy Path methodology in Benin, Mali, and Togo, emphasizing a multi-sectoral, participatory approach to energy planning. It highlights the vulnerability of these countries' energy systems to climate change and argues for prioritizing collective energy services—such as those for health and education—over individual household electrification. The project utilized the TIPEE multidimensional assessment tool to identify gaps in energy policy and data, concluding that inclusive governance involving non-energy sectors is essential for creating resilient and sustainable energy frameworks.

The document examines the ACIRC, a proposed rapid deployment instrument for the African Union (AU) initiated by South Africa to address capability gaps in crisis response. It highlights operational hurdles, including political opposition from key member states, funding shortages, and a lack of strategic airlift capacity. The briefing argues that the ACIRC must be integrated into the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and coordinated with the UN to avoid becoming a reactive, short-term tool, while recommending a shift in deployment authority to the AU Peace and Security Council to ensure speed.

The report evaluates National Climate Change Funds (NCCFs), finding that they currently play a limited role in global climate finance, accounting for less than 0.2% of total flows in 2013. It identifies key barriers to resource mobilisation, including weak institutional capacities and a lack of clear vision, and proposes a structured three-step approach—defining vision, building capacity, and engaging investors—to improve their sustainability.

The report finds that while religious radicalism in Côte d’Ivoire has not reached the scale seen elsewhere in West Africa, the country remains vulnerable due to political instability, regulatory gaps, and socio-economic marginalisation. It details how Pentecostalist 'prophets' influenced the hardline posture of former President Laurent Gbagbo during the 2010-11 crisis and notes the presence of Wahhabi Islam. Additionally, it examines the Lebanese diaspora, noting that while most view Hezbollah as a 'national resistance movement' and provide financial support, there is currently no direct threat to Ivorian national security from this community.

The GCF Secretariat report for mid-March to mid-June 2015 details progress in accreditation, readiness support, and the development of a project pipeline. It highlights the achievement of the Fund's effectiveness threshold with approximately US$ 5.47 billion in contributions and the review of 76 public sector concept notes requesting US$ 3.4 billion. The report also outlines the activities of the Private Sector Facility (PSF), including the review of 48 potential project ideas totaling US$ 3.1 billion, and the Secretariat's engagement with UNFCCC thematic bodies and other climate funds to ensure policy coherence.

The document examines the link between presidential term extensions and political instability in Africa, citing recent crises in Burkina Faso and Burundi. It argues that the African Union (AU) must move beyond reacting to coups and instead proactively advocate for the entrenchment of term limits to ensure regional security and democratic consolidation.

The African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC) is intended as an interim tool to address gaps in the African Union's security architecture, specifically the lack of a rapid response capability demonstrated during the Mali crisis. However, the project faces significant hurdles, including political disunity—with only 13 countries committed and opposition from major troop contributors like Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Nigeria—and institutional friction with the region-based African Standby Force (ASF). The author argues that the ACIRC was established without sufficient strategic deliberation and recommends a comprehensive consultation process with stakeholders to clarify its mandate and overcome political resentment.

The document examines how South Africa used its tenure on the UN Security Council to formalise institutional links between the UN and the African Union (AU), specifically through the application of Chapter VIII of the UN Charter. It argues that South Africa's efforts helped move the AU from a position of limited capacity to one of greater strategic co-operation, resulting in the creation of joint taskforces and improved coordination for peace support operations in Africa. The author suggests this 'hub and spoke' model of devolving security management to regional organisations offers a pragmatic alternative to the stalled process of formal UN Security Council reform.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) reports progress on its Readiness and Preparatory Support Programme, which aims to assist developing countries in accessing Fund resources. Between 28 April and 18 June 2015, the total number of nominated national designated authorities (NDAs) or focal points rose to 127, and the total number of readiness requests reached 74. The Secretariat finalized grant agreements totaling US$ 1.9 million for seven countries: Comoros, Dominican Republic, Ethiopia, Federated States of Micronesia, Rwanda, Thailand, and Togo. The programme operates across five activity areas, including NDA strengthening, strategic framework development, accreditation support, project pipeline creation, and information sharing. Capacity-building efforts include regional workshops in El Salvador and South Korea, with future events planned for Fiji and Egypt, as well as headquarters visits for delegations from Mongolia and Fiji. The GCF is also coordinating with partners such as UNDP, UNEP, and the African Development Bank to ensure complementarity in readiness support.

The document examines the tension between the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and the practice of humanitarian intervention within South African foreign policy. It contends that R2P's 'reaction pillar'—which allows for military intervention as a last resort—is politically and morally divisive. The author argues that South Africa's interests are shaped by a 'logic of appropriateness' rooted in its identity as an African leader and its history under apartheid, leading it to prioritize 'African solutions to African conflicts'. This is exemplified by the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC), an African-owned military initiative. The paper concludes that R2P fails to resolve the fundamental question of 'who should intervene and why?', and that South Africa's actions, including its controversial role in the 2011 Libya crisis, must be analyzed through the lens of evolving humanitarian intervention norms rather than R2P alone.

The document argues that failing to integrate gender equality into climate change mitigation projects can reinforce existing inequalities and reduce project efficacy. It highlights that women are often viewed as victims rather than active leaders in climate solutions. Drawing from case studies in Nepal, Mali, and Colombia, the report emphasizes that gender mainstreaming, the use of socially disaggregated data, and gender-sensitive institutional policies are essential for the success and long-term viability of mitigation initiatives, ranging from large-scale transport to small-scale off-grid energy projects.