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The document defines biocultural community protocols as participatory instruments used by Indigenous and local communities to document their customary laws, values, and decision-making processes. These protocols aim to bridge the gap between community worldviews and external actors—such as governments and companies—to prevent resource exploitation and ensure the respect of customary stewardship. The toolkit outlines a four-part process: understanding the community, documenting the protocol, using it for engagement, and reflecting on outcomes. It provides a wide array of participatory tools, including community sketch maps, trend line analysis, and participatory theatre, to empower communities through legal awareness and social mobilization.

The document describes Biocultural Community Protocols (BCPs) as community-determined frameworks that define values, procedures, and priorities to guide engagement with governments, companies, and NGOs. It outlines how BCPs help communities secure customary rights and respond to threats like illegal mining or infrastructure projects. The briefing provides case studies from Ghana, Malaysia, Kenya, India, and South Africa, illustrating the use of BCPs for resource mapping, legal empowerment, and the protection of traditional knowledge and biodiversity. It also promotes a four-part Toolkit for Community Facilitators to support the endogenous development of these protocols.

The report examines the interaction between ICCAs and international and national laws, finding that while international instruments and some national policies show progress, systemic gaps and discriminatory implementation continue to threaten these areas. It highlights the critical need for the recognition of customary land rights, self-determination, and integrated socio-ecological legislation to support community-led conservation.

The document outlines the UN human rights framework, distinguishing between charter-based and treaty-based monitoring mechanisms. It details the 'International Bill of Human Rights' and other core treaties, while highlighting specialized bodies such as the Special Rapporteur, the Expert Mechanism, and the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. The guide provides practical advice for communities on filing complaints, participating in UN sessions, and utilizing National Human Rights Institutions to advocate for their rights.

The document outlines the UN human rights framework, distinguishing between Charter-based and Treaty-based mechanisms. It details the International Bill of Human Rights and specific instruments for indigenous peoples, such as UNDRIP and ILO Convention 169, while providing practical guidance on submitting complaints and participating in UN forums.

The submission argues that indigenous peoples and local communities (IPLCs) are the most effective guardians of biodiversity, yet they face systemic threats including non-recognition of land rights, 'fortress conservation' models, and violence against land defenders. It provides global case studies of successful community-led conservation and calls for a shift toward rights-based conservation, secure tenure, and the protection of environmental defenders.

The document explains how international law, primarily through the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), protects traditional knowledge and customary sustainable use of biodiversity. It details the obligations of CBD Parties under Articles 8(j) and 10(c), outlines voluntary instruments like the Akwé: Kon Guidelines and the Tkarihwaié:ri Code of Ethical Conduct, and discusses other frameworks such as UNDRIP and ILO 169. The guide highlights opportunities for communities to advocate for broader rights and challenges such as the restrictive 'compatibility' requirements for legal protection.

The document serves as a guide for indigenous peoples and local communities to understand their rights and responsibilities under international frameworks regarding biodiversity. It focuses heavily on the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), particularly Articles 8(j) and 10(c), which mandate that parties respect, preserve, and maintain traditional knowledge and encourage customary use of biological resources. The guide outlines various voluntary instruments, such as the Akwé: Kon Guidelines and the Tkarihwaié:ri Ethical Code of Conduct, and discusses other relevant frameworks from the FAO, ILO, and UN. It also identifies key challenges, such as the restrictive nature of 'compatibility' requirements for conservation and the lack of clarity regarding intellectual property rights.

The author argues that while globalisation drives unprecedented economic growth through comparative advantage and market efficiency, it creates a 'race to the bottom' where nations compete for volatile capital by slashing corporate taxes and deregulation. This process potentially erodes public funding for welfare, labour protections, and environmental standards. While the author finds evidence of a downward trend in global corporate tax rates, they note that reputational risks and NGO watchdogs may moderate the degradation of labour and environmental standards. The document concludes that managing these negative effects requires stronger, more democratic global governance, including the potential creation of a World Tax Authority and an International Financial Stability and Harmonisation Authority.

The research argues that ethnic terrorism declines when governments implement accommodation strategies, such as granting political power or regional autonomy to marginalized groups. Using a dataset linking the Global Terrorism Database to the Ethnic Power Relations project, the authors find that moves away from active discrimination significantly reduce the expected number of terrorist attacks. While transitions to democracy generally reduce ethnic terrorism, the effect is heterogeneous, with some Asian countries showing increased activity. The study also notes that while overall terrorism declines after accommodation, attacks by splinter groups may increase as hardliners reject settlements.

The research analyzes the relationship between state repression of 'empowerment rights' (social, political, and economic liberties) and ethnic fractionalization in predicting civil war onset. Using data from 143 states, the study finds that state repression does not have a direct effect on war onset. However, it discovers a significant conditional effect: in ethnically fractionalized societies, higher levels of state repression actually reduce the probability of civil war, whereas in homogeneous societies, repression increases the risk. These findings challenge 'grievance-based' theories of ethnic conflict, suggesting instead that the opportunity to mobilize—which is constrained by repression—is the primary driver of rebellion in diverse societies.

The authors use geo-coded data from 31 federal states to argue that both relatively rich and relatively poor regions are more prone to secessionist conflict than those with average wealth. The study also finds that the presence of politically excluded ethnic groups and the existence of regional autonomy further elevate the risk of violent secessionist conflict.

The author examines the 'quantitative-qualitative mismatch' in conflict studies, where large-N statistical analyses often find no link between income inequality and violence, while case studies suggest a strong connection. The paper posits that political violence is a group phenomenon and therefore driven by horizontal inequalities (HIs)—systematic disparities between ethnic, religious, or regional groups—rather than vertical inequalities (VI) between individuals. The author proposes a theoretical framework where HIs create both motives (grievances) and opportunities (resources and cohesion) for mobilization. The review concludes that while measuring HIs is challenging, evidence from survey-based data and disaggregated studies supports the link between HIs and various forms of political violence, including civil war and urban disorder.

The authors examine the Patani conflict in Southern Thailand to illustrate how the 'jihadist' label can misinterpret local political struggles. They argue that while religion is a key motivating factor, it is intertwined with ethnic Malay identity and nationalistic goals of independence from the Thai state. The paper rejects the notion that the insurgency is driven by transnational Salafi-Jihadism or groups like ISIS, asserting instead that the conflict is driven by a 'nation-oriented' rationale rooted in local grievances and historical colonization.

The author argues that World Refugee Day (WRD) functions as a tool for the UNHCR to recast refugee agency as an extension of its own humanitarian efforts, effectively acting as a 'surrogate state' for displaced people. By analyzing the 'World Pays Tribute' news story, the paper highlights a tension between the celebratory, de-politicized imagery of WRD—which often uses 'utopian representations' of joyful refugees—and the 'extra-democratic' realities of UNHCR governance, such as the 'warehousing' of refugees in camps and procedural gaps in refugee status determination.

The fact sheet contends that the traditional reliance on natural gas and LNG as a bridge to decarbonization in the Global South is outdated. It asserts that modern renewables and storage can meet reliability, speed, and cost requirements more effectively than gas. Citing IEA data, the document warns that gas-heavy strategies expose developing economies to higher consumer prices, price volatility, and technology lock-in, whereas a net-zero aligned approach could meet over 60% of their electricity needs via local renewables by 2050.

The report argues that decentralised renewable energy (DRE) is the most effective solution for electrifying rural health facilities, particularly during health crises like COVID-19. It proposes a delivery model combining 'smart grants' for upfront capital expenditures (CAPEX) with market-based compensation mechanisms, such as long-term Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs), to ensure both rapid deployment and long-term financial and technical sustainability. Through 16 case studies across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, the document demonstrates how DRE can improve maternal and child health outcomes, enable the storage of vaccines, and foster socio-economic development by integrating health facilities as central nodes for wider community electrification.

This policy brief examines the impact of Chinese investments in Tanzania's plastic recycling industry and the subsequent effects of China's 2018 import ban on waste materials. It highlights how Chinese firms have facilitated technology transfer and local business growth, while also noting significant environmental and health risks and a potential decline in local waste sourcing due to the import of cleaner waste from Europe and the US.

The document assesses the state of education in Sub-Saharan Africa, noting that while progress toward Universal Primary Education (UPE) has been made, the region is unlikely to achieve this goal by 2150 at current rates. It highlights a critical lack of resources, with a need for 1 to 2 billion dollars in immediate support and an additional 3 million teachers. The report emphasizes that primary education must be complemented by secondary education, as only 25% of primary graduates currently enroll in secondary school. Key barriers identified include gender inequality, where 60% of girls in Sub-Saharan Africa were out of school in 2002, and the HIV/AIDS epidemic, which forces children to leave school to care for sick parents. The document calls for urgent curriculum reform, increased teacher salaries, and a 'zero tolerance' approach to corruption to ensure education leads to genuine economic growth.

The document analyzes Malaysia's transition from a commodity-reliant economy to a manufacturing and services hub through four phases of industrial policy: import substitution, export-oriented industrialization, heavy industry substitution, and high-technology export orientation. It argues that trade reforms were deeply entwined with the New Economic Policy (NEP) aimed at poverty eradication and restructuring society to benefit the Bumiputera community. While the reforms led to significant GDP growth and poverty reduction, the authors note that the state maintained control over strategic sectors through Government-Linked Companies (GLCs) and that growth has recently trended downward.