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Europe is facing a significant demographic shift characterized by declining working-age populations and increasing old-age dependency, which is expected to create tighter labour markets and labour shortages by 2050. While this trend may stunt GDP growth and complicate investment, it provides an opportunity for trade unions to increase worker bargaining power and revitalize their membership, particularly by organizing the expanding care sector.

The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) recommends that Australia move away from an outdated bilateral investment treaty (BIT) model that prioritizes investor protection and investor-state dispute settlement. Instead, IISD proposes a reimagined regime where treaties serve as tools for sustainable development, prioritizing investments in climate mitigation, adaptation, and a just transition, while ensuring national law remains the primary regulator.

Ember's analysis reveals a significant gap between planned renewable energy expansion and available grid capacity in Europe, with at least 120 GW of projects at risk. While some distribution grids can support household electrification, transmission bottlenecks threaten large-scale wind and solar projects, particularly in countries like Austria, Bulgaria, and Poland. The report advocates for 'non-wire solutions' and administrative reforms to unlock capacity and ensure energy security.

The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) argues that Australia's older BITs are based on an outdated model that prioritizes investor protection and investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) over public policy. The submission recommends reimagining these treaties as tools for sustainable development, prioritizing climate mitigation and a just transition. Key proposals include removing ISDS, implementing carve-outs for fossil fuel investments and climate measures, and reforming how damages are calculated to prevent exorbitant awards. IISD suggests that national legal frameworks, rather than international treaties, should be the primary regulators of foreign investment.

The report finds that while over 75% of NATO countries include climate change and nearly 70% include food security in their security strategies, these issues remain siloed. Most concrete actions focus on military emissions mitigation and direct adaptation rather than the indirect security implications of food and water insecurity. The author argues that climate-driven disasters create vulnerabilities that adversaries like Russia and China exploit through disinformation, weaponized migration, and food weaponization. The report recommends updating NATO's baseline resilience requirements and targeting investments toward "stability multipliers" that address the nexus of climate, food, and security both domestically and in the developing world.

The research paper examines how the 1989 Belgium-Luxembourg (BLEU)–USSR bilateral investment treaty (BIT) is being used as a legal threat to prevent Belgium from supporting an EU plan to back a EUR 140 billion Ukraine loan with immobilized Russian Central Bank assets. It highlights a broader trend of 'regulatory chill' where Russian entities use investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) claims to challenge sanctions. The author argues for the modernization of investment treaties and the implementation of domestic legal blocks to prevent the enforcement of arbitration awards that contradict international sanctions regimes.

The report argues that the current EU public procurement framework, specifically Directive 2014/24/EU, fails to drive the green transition because GPP remains voluntary, leading to fragmented implementation and a prevalence of lowest-price awards. It identifies three primary challenges: a fragmented legal landscape, the voluntary nature of GPP, and perceived legal uncertainty regarding the 'link to subject matter' rule. To address these, the authors recommend making GPP the default via a 'comply-or-explain' approach, tying 'Buy European' rules to environmental performance, simplifying rules through harmonized criteria and labels, strengthening data monitoring, and investing in the professionalization of contracting authorities. The report provides detailed operational options for both simplification and strategic procurement to support the EU's 2040 emissions targets.

The report identifies 27 factors across four themes—EU internal dynamics, expected effects of enlargement, attitudes/norms/perceptions, and external factors—that influence EU accession decisions. It argues that while the process is formally merit-based, EU actors exercise significant discretion, with normative factors dominating early candidacy and economic or political interests predominating during later negotiations. The analysis highlights how these factors varied across the 'Big Bang' (2004), 'Coda' (2007), and Croatia (2013) rounds, and provides forecasts for the 'Trio' of Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia.

The report argues that temporary CRCF units from carbon farming are currently of low quality due to insufficient management of non-permanence and additionality risks, making them unsuitable for offsetting emissions. It assesses proposed EU agri-food policies—including an Agricultural Emissions Trading System (AgETS) and Mandatory Climate Standards (MCS)—concluding that allowing these units as offsets would undermine environmental integrity. The authors recommend shifting toward activity-based payments, either through a reformed Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) or other public funding mechanisms, to promote carbon farming without the integrity risks associated with result-based crediting.

The guide argues that fossil fuel subsidies (FFSs) are misaligned with climate and fiscal goals and proposes a three-step approach to phase them out: establishing a whole-of-government coordination mechanism, categorizing subsidies into three timelines based on risk and feasibility, and executing detailed implementation plans with clear accountability. It emphasizes that while developed countries should lead with faster reforms, developing countries may require longer timelines and more robust social protection measures to ensure a just transition.

The document argues that Colombia's previous renewable energy auctions, which focused exclusively on price, led to social conflicts and project cancellations, particularly in La Guajira. It proposes a new framework incorporating non-price criteria—such as local employment, community benefit-sharing, and gender perspectives—into qualification and award processes. Additionally, it suggests creating a dedicated support agency and a 'joining process' (proceso de adhesión) to enable small-scale community energy projects (up to 5 MW) to access the market without competing directly with large developers.

The document outlines the views of TSOs from Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Slovakia regarding EU grid development. While generally supportive of the European Grids Package, these operators express low confidence in EU-level coordination, citing administrative burdens and a perception of Western European dominance in policy shaping. Key barriers identified include outdated infrastructure, regulatory fragmentation, and complex access to EU funding mechanisms like the Connecting Europe Facility (CEF). The TSOs emphasize the need for more practical, inclusive reforms that respect national sovereignty and address specific security risks for countries on the EU's external borders.

The EU remains highly vulnerable to energy price shocks and supply disruptions due to a 58% reliance on imported fossil fuels for primary energy. While the power sector has largely transitioned to homegrown sources, sectors like transport (88% reliant on imports) and buildings remain exposed. The report argues that electrification can reduce fossil import dependency to 30% by 2040, noting that 67% of EU energy demand can already be electrified with mature technologies. Current frontrunners, such as Denmark with electric vehicles and the Netherlands with heat pumps, demonstrate significant displacement of oil and gas imports.

The report identifies a significant global health and economic toll from red and processed meat consumption, which is linked to type II diabetes, cardiovascular disease, and cancer. It highlights a 'treatment-over-prevention' trend in wealthy nations, particularly in Europe, where robust healthcare systems mitigate disease outcomes at a high financial cost. The authors argue that implementing fiscal policies and dietary interventions to reduce meat intake could save billions in healthcare spending and significantly reduce premature mortality and disability.

The report argues that interconnectors are critical for European energy security, having prevented three major blackouts in the last five years and providing a lifeline to Ukraine and Moldova during Russian aggression. It highlights that 55% of Europe's power system remains at risk due to limited import options, with Spain, Ireland, and Finland being particularly exposed. The document also details the vulnerability of infrastructure to sabotage, citing nine incidents in the Baltic Sea, and calls for accelerated deployment of new capacity and strengthened security measures to protect the grid from hybrid warfare.

The global economy consumes approximately 100 billion metric tons of resources annually, with 75% coming from non-renewable sources. While the European Union leads in circular economy policy, global resource productivity has stalled since 2000, and the world must reduce per capita material consumption from 12.6 metric tons in 2022 to below 5 metric tons by 2050 to ensure sustainability. Significant disparities exist in consumption, with the top 25% of the population using 52% of the world's resources. Despite some progress in municipal waste recycling—averaging 35% across OECD countries—and the regulation of single-use products in 75 countries, systemic changes in product design and corporate monitoring are required to decouple economic growth from resource extraction.

The policy brief examines the energy landscape of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) following Russia's invasion of Ukraine, highlighting the region's struggle to balance immediate energy affordability with long-term decarbonisation. It identifies new security risks, specifically China's dominance in clean energy supply chains and conflicting policy signals from the US and EU. The author advocates for a technology-neutral approach—integrating nuclear, renewables, and emerging technologies like CCS—and suggests that CEE can become a clean-tech manufacturing hub. Furthermore, it emphasizes the strategic importance of integrating Ukraine, Moldova, and the Western Balkans into the EU energy grid to enhance regional resilience.

The document explores the ideological battle over the concept of 'freedom,' contrasting the right-wing's individualistic, consumer-driven 'freedom from constraint' with a proposed 'Green freedom' based on interdependence and ecological limits. It analyzes how this struggle manifests across various domains: the gig economy's algorithmic management, the impact of immersive technologies (XR) on cognitive autonomy, the targeting of gender studies by illiberal regimes, and the need for 'comprehensive security' in the Baltic states that integrates social welfare with military defense. The text argues that for the Green movement to succeed, it must move beyond technical expertise and reclaim freedom as a collective, emancipatory value that decouples wellbeing from economic growth.

The document argues that Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries must implement coordinated national and regional strategies to decarbonise heavy industries like refining and ammonia production. It identifies four priority actions: cost-competitive policy design, targeted deployment in industrial clusters, shared financial risk schemes, and cross-border collaboration for infrastructure. The analysis highlights that CEE accounts for nearly 25% of EU hydrogen consumption, with Poland as the dominant user, and emphasizes that the lack of domestic regulatory frameworks for CO2 storage in Poland currently forces a reliance on more expensive export options.

The paper argues that Colombia's previous price-based renewable energy auctions failed to consider socio-economic factors, leading to social conflict and project cancellations, particularly in La Guajira. It recommends two main pathways for the new framework: enhancing community engagement and benefit sharing for large-scale projects through stricter qualification requirements and multicriteria award mechanisms, and scaling up energy communities via a reserved auction quota (adhesion process) and a dedicated support agency to prevent 'community washing'.