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The report analyzes a diverse array of cap-and-trade systems, from the established EU ETS to emerging pilots in China and South Korea. It argues that the success of these markets depends heavily on long-term political commitment, robust data collection, and centralized decision-making to avoid over-allocation. The authors highlight a shift in the center of carbon market activity toward Asia-Pacific economies, which are experimenting with novel scopes including buildings and indirect emissions.

The briefing argues that any ICAO market-based measure must rely on stringent requirements to ensure emissions reductions are real, permanent, additional, and verified. It recommends that only UNFCCC-guided offset credits be eligible, while specifically advising against the use of Joint Implementation (JI) credits, voluntary market offsets, and bilateral mechanisms due to quality and oversight concerns. Furthermore, it warns that any cap-and-trade system must avoid over-allocation and prohibits the use of surplus allowances from oversupplied schemes like the EU ETS to maintain environmental integrity.

The report argues that instead of risky whole-vehicle redesigns, the automotive industry should adopt carbon fiber composites starting with specific high-value parts and subassemblies. It identifies promising candidates such as door inners, engine cradles, and seats, noting that while these parts cost significantly more than steel counterparts, the value from weight reduction and fuel savings can make them cost-competitive. The document outlines technical gaps in material characterization, predictive modeling, and fiber cost, and recommends the creation of a 'Parts Campaign' and an 'Innovation Hub' to coordinate efforts between industry, government, and academia.

The Warsaw Conference (COP 19) achieved several technical milestones but failed to secure ambitious new mitigation commitments or a clear financial roadmap. Key outcomes included the creation of the Warsaw International Mechanism for loss and damage and the Warsaw Framework for REDD+, alongside a draft for a universal agreement to be finalized in Paris. However, the event was marked by reduced mitigation goals from Japan and the removal of carbon taxes in Australia, highlighting a persistent divide between developed and developing nations over the priority of funding versus emission cuts.

The author, a negotiator for Ethiopia, details the steep learning curve for newcomers in the UNFCCC, citing complexities in scheduling, jargon, and lack of historical context. To facilitate consensus, the paper suggests enhancing capacity building through mentorship, utilizing external policy briefs and informal dialogues to build trust, and increasing the transparency of data and negotiation texts. It argues that trust, transparency, and the free flow of information are essential for parties to overcome conflicting national interests and reach multilateral agreements.

The report identifies six audience segments in the US—the Alarmed, Concerned, Cautious, Disengaged, Doubtful, and Dismissive—and tracks their evolution from 2008 to 2012. It finds that 70% of the public (Alarmed, Concerned, and Cautious) believe global warming is a real threat. While there is broad support for increasing renewable energy and eliminating fossil fuel subsidies, perceptions of political influence are skewed, with most segments believing campaign contributors and fossil fuel companies have the most power over elected officials.

The document argues that the global energy system is driven by neoliberalism and extractivism, benefiting a small elite while causing climate devastation and energy poverty. It critiques both fossil fuels and certain 'clean' alternatives—such as mega-dams and industrial biofuels—as destructive. The authors advocate for a decentralized, democratically controlled energy system that prioritizes human rights and ecological limits over corporate profit.

The document argues that the global energy system is unsustainable and unjust, driven by neoliberalism and extractivism. It details the environmental and social harms of fossil fuels, nuclear power, and certain 'clean' alternatives, while warning against 'techno-fixes' and corporate-led transitions. It advocates for a decentralized, democratically controlled system that prioritizes basic human rights to energy and a just transition for workers.

The document identifies three primary quantitative perspectives—literalist, fatalist, and economist—used to measure the emissions impact of fossil fuel infrastructure. It also proposes a political economist perspective to account for systemic lock-in effects. The authors conclude that while estimates vary widely, it is highly unlikely that new infrastructure has zero impact on global emissions.

The report examines the intersection of global demographic ageing and environmental change, highlighting that by 2050, people aged 55-plus will comprise nearly a quarter of the global population. It categorizes older people as 'contributors' (through consumption patterns), 'casualties' (due to increased vulnerability to natural disasters and pollution), and 'champions' (as a reservoir of knowledge and volunteers). A web-based survey of 1,028 individuals from Australia, Canada, the UK, USA, and Sweden reveals high levels of environmental concern and a willingness to take action, though respondents often underestimate the direct impacts of climate change on their own health and security. The document argues for 'age-proofed' policies that reduce environmental footprints, protect vulnerable seniors, and mobilize their experience for disaster risk reduction.

The report examines how Indonesia can optimize its role in global value chains (GVCs) to move toward higher value-adding activities. It identifies key internal governance factors, such as market diversification and standards compliance, and external factors, including labour market stability, connectivity, and contract enforceability. The author argues that GVC participation does not automatically lead to economic or social upgrading and requires a coherent strategy involving R&D, innovation systems, and the reduction of regulatory inconsistencies to ensure sustainable growth.

The document argues that South Africa's inclusion in the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) is justified by its influence in shaping the global economic agenda rather than just its GDP. It highlights how the BRICS, and specifically the BASIC group (Brazil, South Africa, India, and China), have challenged the dominance of advanced economies in the WTO and UNFCCC. The author notes the group's role in promoting South-South cooperation, increasing trade and investment with low-income countries, and pushing for reforms in the IMF and other Bretton Woods Institutions to better reflect current global economic realities.

The document argues that South Africa's current trade policy is too defensive and focused on domestic industrial concerns, leaving its exporters disadvantaged in fast-growing emerging markets. It identifies key global trends—including the shift of growth toward BRIC economies, the re-orientation of Chinese demand toward domestic consumption, and the rise of regional trade agreements—that necessitate a strategic shift. The authors propose diversifying exports, simplifying tariff structures to facilitate free trade agreements, establishing duty-free export zones to attract global supply chains, and deepening integration within Africa to leverage the region's growth.

As of November 26, 2012, 23 developed countries and the European Commission pledged USD 33.92 billion in fast-start climate finance, exceeding the collective goal of 'approaching USD 30 billion'. However, the World Resources Institute finds that the alignment of these funds with Cancun Agreement principles—specifically regarding balanced allocation between adaptation and mitigation, additionality, and prioritization of the most vulnerable—remains unclear due to inconsistent reporting and a lack of agreed-upon definitions.

The document provides a detailed breakdown of climate finance pledges from various developed nations and the European Union, detailing the amounts pledged, the actual allocations made, the channeling institutions used, and the countries' positions on whether the funds are 'new and additional' to existing Official Development Assistance (ODA).

The report examines how unilateral carbon pricing leads to carbon leakage—where emissions are shifted to foreign locations—across energy-intensive industries (EII) such as steel, cement, and chemicals. It evaluates the effectiveness of various policy remedies, including border adjustments and output-based free allocations, across different regional contexts. Findings indicate that while the EU can mitigate leakage from a 30% reduction target at moderate cost, a mandatory Japanese ETS would significantly impact steel and cement production. In China, a carbon price of 100 Yuan/t CO2 would most affect ferrous metals, basic chemicals, refining, and cement, potentially serving as a tool to reduce carbon intensity and restrain exports during high growth periods.

The report analyzes the steel sector's transition to a low-carbon future, noting that while current carbon pricing (like the EU ETS) has had limited impact on plant location and investment, deeper emissions cuts will require breakthrough technologies such as carbon capture and storage (CCS). It emphasizes the need for collaborative research, development, demonstration, and deployment (RDD&D) and suggests a 'coalition of the willing' among major steel-producing nations to maintain competitiveness while decarbonizing.

The document addresses the tension between the pursuit of a green economy and the existing international trade system. It argues that while Rio+20 provided general guidance, it failed to establish what constitutes 'appropriate state behaviour' regarding green industrial policies, such as subsidies and local content requirements. The author highlights a rise in trade frictions—including disputes between the U.S., China, and the EU over solar and wind technology—and asserts that the WTO's Dispute Settlement Mechanism is ill-suited to resolve these issues because they stem from a lack of international consensus on policy propriety rather than simple rule breaches. The text advocates for the creation of an institutional space, such as through UNCTAD, to evaluate the effectiveness of green tools and their impacts on trading partners, particularly developing nations, to ensure a just transition.

One year after the Fukushima disaster, the Union of Concerned Scientists argues that while the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) initially responded well, it has since deprioritized the most critical recommendation for managing 'beyond-design-basis' accidents. Furthermore, the report warns that the nuclear industry's preference for the 'FLEX' strategy—which relies on portable emergency equipment rather than hardening infrastructure—is driven by cost and may undermine the NRC's ability to enforce higher safety standards.

The document identifies five key realms for renewable energy policy: direct purchase mandates, improving the business case through financial incentives, removing non-price barriers, supporting research and development, and addressing grid intermittency. It recommends that Japan maintain its generous feed-in tariffs, expand demand response, and unbundle transmission from generation to increase competition. The report provides detailed international case studies from the US, Germany, and other nations to illustrate effective mechanisms such as Green Banks, loan guarantees, and carbon taxes.