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The document outlines critical areas for climate finance at COP 21, emphasizing the need for developed countries to meet the $100 billion annual goal by 2020, increasing funding for adaptation, and improving transparency in reporting finance flows. It highlights recent pledges from various nations and argues for a shift in trillions of dollars from high-emissions to low-emissions activities.

The report evaluates a wide array of in-lake remediation techniques to combat eutrophication, emphasizing that these methods are generally only effective if external nutrient loads are simultaneously reduced. It categorizes treatments into biological engineering (e.g., biomanipulation, floating wetlands), physical engineering (e.g., hypolimnetic withdrawal, dredging, artificial circulation), and chemical applications (e.g., alum, Phoslock, algicides). The document provides detailed case studies from North America and Europe, analyzing the effectiveness, longevity, and costs of each method, while highlighting the critical role of internal phosphorus loading in delaying lake recovery.

The UN Sustainable Development Summit served to formally adopt the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and affirm global commitment to its implementation. The analysis highlights the success of the Open Working Group's (OWG) inclusive negotiation process, specifically the 'troika' method, in building universal ownership of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). While governments announced significant financial and environmental commitments—such as China's US$2 billion South-South cooperation fund and Panama's reforestation pledge—the document identifies critical gaps in the framework, specifically the need for finalized indicators, disaggregated data, and a detailed follow-up and review mechanism. Furthermore, the analysis emphasizes that the success of the SDGs is intrinsically linked to the outcomes of the Paris Climate Change Conference, noting that failure to meet climate objectives would jeopardize all SDGs.

The document explores the historical foundations of the first Bretton Woods system, arguing that the ideas and actors involved were more diverse and inclusive than conventional wisdom suggests. It uses this historical perspective to address the contemporary challenge of implementing the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which Mary Robinson has described as the "Bretton Woods moment for our generation."

The paper examines how different DER ownership models can be used to integrate cost-effective technologies into outdated regulatory frameworks. It argues that no single model is universal, but each can work if the value proposition aligns with the public interest and utilizes an adaptive approach prioritizing fair compensation and transparency. Utility-owned models are effective for early adoption and public goals but risk cost overruns and market power issues. Third-party and customer-owned models excel when they have transparent access to the full value of DERs through dynamic rate design or competitive markets.

The UK government advocates for a global market-based measure (GMBM) via ICAO to achieve carbon-neutral growth for international aviation from 2020, while supporting the EU Emissions Trading System as a regional interim measure. The UK emphasizes that responsibility for aviation and shipping emissions lies with ICAO and the IMO respectively, and supports the Single European Sky initiative to improve air navigation efficiency.

The document examines carbon pricing mechanisms, specifically carbon taxes and cap-and-trade programs, as a core strategy for reducing greenhouse gas emissions in the United States. It details design features such as scope, point of regulation, and cost-containment mechanisms, while analyzing various ways to utilize generated revenues—including tax cuts, deficit reduction, and dividends—to offset economic impacts and increase political viability. The authors argue that a well-designed carbon price can provide a 'double dividend' of environmental benefit and economic efficiency.

The Geneva Pledge, signed by 19 nations in February 2015, commits governments to foster collaboration between their human rights and climate change experts. The signatories acknowledge that climate change disproportionately affects vulnerable populations and pledge to ensure that the transition to a low-carbon economy respects human rights and ensures no one is left behind.

The author contends that the climate crisis and poverty are linked, requiring a radical shift toward social justice and sustainability. Using Portugal as an example, the text highlights how renewable energy can drive GDP growth and job creation, while criticizing austerity measures and the lack of public awareness in Portugal, where only 6% of the population views climate change as a serious problem.

The author contends that the global ecological crisis and social poverty are linked, requiring a radical political shift toward sustainability and social justice. Using Portugal as an example, the text highlights the severe climate risks facing the Iberian Peninsula—including water scarcity, soil degradation, and rising sea levels—while noting that Portuguese public and political discourse remains dominated by short-term economic concerns and austerity. Despite this, the document points to the success of Portugal's renewable energy sector, which provided 27% of the country's energy and created 40,000 jobs in 2013, as evidence that climate policy can drive economic growth and employment.

The document critiques the 'financialization of nature,' where biodiversity is converted into financial assets and commodities. It argues that assigning prices to nature ignores its intrinsic value, marginalizes indigenous and local communities, and allows corporations to continue destructive activities through 'offsetting' mechanisms. The author calls for the protection of biodiversity through strong legislation and community-led governance rather than market-based instruments.

The document outlines a proposal to introduce a 'Charge' for carbon-intensive goods, such as steel and clinker, based on the EU ETS permit price and Best Available Technology (BAT) benchmarks. Drawing on the European excise system, it suggests a 'Production Sphere' where registered 'Carbon Keepers' and 'Carbon Warehouses' can handle goods under duty suspension, and a 'Consumption Sphere' where the charge is triggered upon sale to unregistered entities or final consumers. The report recommends a Carbon Monitoring and Control System (CMCS) for tracking movements and the use of de minimis thresholds for imports based on the ratio of carbon value to product value.

The report examines Mexico's efforts to integrate SMEs into the public procurement process to combat economic dualism and low productivity. It details eight 'Big Ideas', including the use of free trade agreement reserves, the CompraNet 5.0 e-procurement platform, and NAFIN's credit guarantee and reverse factoring programs. The document highlights that while SMEs make up 99.8% of Mexican businesses, their participation in public tenders is less than 15%, significantly lower than in other industrialized nations. It argues that leveraging public spending, particularly through state-owned enterprises like PEMEX, can catalyze SME development and overall national productivity.

The letter argues that the Chief Scientific Adviser (CSA) role concentrates too much influence in one person, lacks transparency, and is susceptible to corporate lobbying, urging the President-elect of the European Commission to seek more diverse and objective scientific expertise.

The 2014 European elections saw a significant rise in far-right and eurosceptic forces, particularly in France where the Front National achieved 25% of the vote. While the German Greens maintained a double-digit result, they lost three mandates. Across Europe, the Green faction became more regionally diverse with new representatives from countries like Spain, Hungary, and Croatia, though it lost influence due to the collapse of a progressive majority in the Parliament. The author argues that the Greens must counter the narrative of the EU as a neoliberal tool and push for an end to unilateral austerity policies to restore trust in European integration.

EU coal emissions rose 6% from 2010 to 2013, contributing to 18% of total EU CO2 emissions. This increase was driven by fuel-switching from gas to coal in Germany, the UK, and Poland, which together account for 66% of coal-based emissions. While renewables and falling demand reduced overall fossil generation by 4.3% per year, the low carbon price under the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) failed to prevent coal's resurgence. The report warns that the Industrial Emissions Directive (IED) may not force expected closures because of cheaper compliance technologies and the introduction of capacity markets, particularly in the UK and Poland, which risk locking in high-carbon infrastructure into the 2030s. Modelling suggests that if coal remains cheaper than gas, emissions will fall only 3% by 2016, though the potential for fuel-switching will increase by 2020. Sandbag recommends urgent ETS reform, mandatory carbon intensity reporting, and targeted CCS funding.

The document argues that agricultural cooperatives promote inclusive investment by allowing farmers to maintain control over resources while achieving economies of scale. It highlights that well-organized cooperatives reduce risk for foreign investors and facilitate more efficient contracting. The brief emphasizes that government support should be limited to creating an enabling legal environment and providing technical resources, rather than interfering in internal management, as bottom-up initiatives are generally more successful.

The document promotes agricultural cooperatives as a socially and politically acceptable alternative to 'land grabbing,' allowing farmers to retain control of their resources while accessing markets and finance. It distinguishes between production and service cooperatives and highlights the benefits of collective bargaining and resource sharing. The text emphasizes that while foreign investment can reduce risk and provide capital, government support should be limited to creating a favorable legal environment and providing technical training, rather than direct interference in management.

The report analyzes the implementation of the Effort Sharing Decision (ESD), which targets non-ETS sectors responsible for nearly 60% of EU emissions. While 15 Member States are projected to over-achieve their 2020 targets, others face significant gaps, particularly in road transport and buildings. The document highlights that while the overall EU 2020 target is likely to be met, several countries rely on flexibility mechanisms or planned additional measures rather than existing policies to close their emission gaps.

Carbon Market Watch warns that a leaked draft of the 2030 Council Conclusions contains 'technical loopholes' that could reduce the effective EU greenhouse gas emission reduction target from 40% to as low as 26%. The organization specifically criticizes the potential banking of 'phantom pollution rights' (surplus allowances), the use of afforestation offsets for agriculture, the dynamic allocation of free permits to industry, and the possible inclusion of transport fuels in the EU ETS.